Mihtes Quest (Mihte Lugh Book 1)

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Moderated by Matthew Toffolo:. Two nerds have the time of their life fighting for gridiron glory against a horde of orcs, barbarians, and ogres. Instead of crunching numbers and stuffing stat sheets, how much more fun would it be leading your team of Elven warriors to bloody victory on the battlefield, hacking and slashing through a horde of orc and troll linemen for a touchdown? Script Titled: Chrysanthemum.

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A mysterious diamond smuggling operation is being carried out from Africa to Las Vegas and everyone who touches the diamonds is ending up dead. What happened? The producers seem to want to make the next Goldfinger, which proves that the franchise became about the money in a lot of ways. Connery was paid an enormous amount to play Bond again, they brought back Goldfinger director Guy Hamilton, had huge set pieces, crazy chases and a Las Vegas location.

It all worked, because it was a big box office success. The film itself is very thin compared to the others. A diamond smuggling ring is discovered and it ends up tracing back to Blofeld who is making doppelgangers of himself through some type of mud and clay moldings. He uses the diamonds to install into a satellite he has, and using the power of the diamonds he can shoot a lethal laser beam from space to blow things up.

Pretty crazy and absurd. Fun to laugh about though. Connery himself seems to be going through the motions. It does not feel like a man that just lost his wife. You can tell that Connery is ready to move on from the role. Wint and Mr. I find they get a lot of flack, but every time they are on screen I laugh or have a good time.

Medieval Studies for J. Clarendon Press, Oxford: Liuzza, R. Lucas, P. Archivum Linguisticum 2: Unpublished MA Dissertation. Kehoe eds. The changing face of corpus linguistics. Rodopi, Amsterdam — New York: Mitchell, B. Review of English Studies 31, Clarendon Press, Oxford. Morgan, M. The Modern Language Review Parkes, M. In Murphy, J. Medieval Eloquence. Studies in the Theory and Practice of Medieval Rhetoric.

An Introduction to the History of Punctuation in the West. Scolar Press, Hants. Quirk, R. Greenbaum, G. Longman, London. Folia Linguistica Historica 19, Ronberg, G. In Jucker, A. Historical Pragmatics: Pragmatic Development in the history of English. John Benjamins, Amsterdam — Philadelphia: Skeat, W. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Strang, B. A History of English.

Routledge: London — New York. Truss, L. The Zero Tolerance Approach to Punctuation. Profile Books, London. Warner, A. Croom Helm, London. Zeeman, E. Review of English Studies 7. All too often we unquestioningly accept the titles of Old English poetry that were given by an early editor, and such a title might well color our interpretation of a poem. This is especially true when dealing with anonymous Old English poetry, in which scholars are left with little or no details about an author and sometimes have the dubious task of naming an untitled medieval text. Scholars have often been left with the complicated and challenging task of trying to interpret anonymous texts, while also providing them with suitable names; however, when an anonymous poem is misinterpreted by an editor and then also named by that editor, the results are often that the editorial name endowed on the poem somehow reflects the gross misinterpretation of the text.

Rambaran-Olm The poem preserved on folios verso verso of the Exeter Book has been generally known as The Descent into Hell, ever since late commentators made a slight editorial change from the previous title The Harrowing of Hell. Although there was a recognition that the name of the poem was not fitting and an attempt was made to rectify the matter regarding the title, the new suggestion and the generally accepted title today is no more suitable than its predecessor. The issue about the title has not yet been resolved satisfactorily and the existing title of this Exeter Book poem has obviously been unsettling for more recent scholars as well.

In the following paper I hope to outline why the current name of the Exeter Book poem is unsuitable and recommend titles that would be more appropriate for it. OED Online. Oxford University Press. They are not necessarily descriptions, although they can contain descriptive elements. They are names for a purpose, not merely for the purpose of identification and designation, in spite of the important practical role which indexical names play in the designative process.

The unique purpose of titling is hermeneutical, [as] titles are names which function as guides to interpretation. Fisher If he is correct in his assertion that there is a significant and meaningful connection between titles and the literary works they correspond with, and furthermore, titles, themselves, function as guides to interpretation, then the current title The Descent into Hell functions as a guide to misinterpretation.

See Ps. For various allusions to God appearing as conqueror of the lower regions see: Ps. The concept of redemption history rings more clearly through the echoes of baptism that dominate the poem, something of which I discuss further in this paper. Rambaran-Olm Ancient Just from their long captivity in Hell and, further, the poem is inextricably linked to the Easter liturgy.

From this, it seems that the editors have assigned the poem the title, The Descent into Hell. See also footnote 6 for a more detailed description of the Gospel of Nicodemus. The basic authority of the text rests in the name of Nicodemus, the secret follower of Christ See: John ; ; , who, along with Joseph of Arimathaea, is a leading character in the narrative. As a whole, the text is comprised of sixteen chapters dealing with the trial, death, descent, resurrection and ascension of Christ.

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By combining the names of the two eye-witnesses, some scholars have hypothesized that a second century Christian named Lucius Charinus may have written the apocryphal text, although no confirmed author has ever been established with certainty. For further discussion on the theory of authorship in Descensus Christi ad Inferos see W.

London: Early English Text Society, , p. Although the text was never accepted as canonical, it became one of the most popular of the New Testament apocrypha, gaining widespread appeal by the Middle Ages. Not only do Anglo-Saxon and several Middle English translations exist, but the story of the descent proved to be a popular theme to depict in both art and drama spanning the course of the entire medieval period. Dating of the Acta Pilati has proven to be a difficult task, since the two portions of the text probably originated at different times and in complete independence of each other.

Despite the similarity between the two texts no tangible evidence can verify whether the early Christian writer was referring to an actual record or not, and most attempts to establish a date of composition for the Gospel of Nicodemus have been unfruitful.

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However, in naming the poem first The Harrowing of Hell and then afterwards The Descent into Hell, the only achievement editors made was in indicating the basic setting or backdrop of the poem, while in the process neglecting to point out the main emphasis of the poem. Quite frequently, the Harrowing is followed by an account of the end of the world. Cross, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , pp.

All quotes from the poem are taken from: The Exeter Book. New York: Columbia University Press, Moving towards the peak or climax of traditional Harrowing narratives, Satan and his minions verbalize their defeat in a huge spectacle, while the righteous, represented by Adam and Eve, articulate gratitude, humility and praise for their Redeemer who has come to free them.


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Christ, who is obviously the central figure within the Harrowing narratives, often compellingly expresses His purpose, reprimands Satan, and comfortingly addresses the righteous as well. Here again, the inclusion of John the Baptist as the one who receives Christ in Hell and as the one who speaks on behalf of the saints demonstrates a complete departure from Harrowing narratives both in literature and artistic depictions. Ignorasti ut insipiens quid egisti Evangelium Nichodemi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , pp Finally, there is no mention at the end of the poem of the end of the world or Judgment Day.

Rather, in the closing lines of the Exeter Book poem, the narrator graciously thanks Christ for the hope that He gives us through His baptism and through His example, essentially urging us to hasten on our own journey towards Salvation through baptism. So what, in the end, would be the point of leaving out seemingly climactic, exciting, and traditional details of the Harrowing account?

In actuality, the direction that the poet takes readers on is a different journey, if I may say so. Shippey suggests. London: Oxford University Press, , p. Although scholars have established that a single scribe recorded the works within the Exeter Book manuscript, it is unclear and may remain so whether the scribe was also the anthologist who compiled the individual works within the manuscript. Still, Roy Liuzza argues that the scribe or the anthologist ordered the poems as they are in the manuscript, because they fit together sensibly and the thematic links are too strong to be accidental.

Overall, a new and more appropriate title like any of the ones I have suggested, would function then as part of the text itself in a way, essentially, to indicate what exactly is at the core of the poem, while welcoming readers to begin their journeys through the text, as opposed to distracting them from discovery and meaning.

The textual unity [of the Exeter Book] extending from Christ I to Juliana and perhaps beyond share a certain thematic, and to an extent stylistic, harmony that can only be called codicological or scribal unity. What I have attempted to highlight is that the poem is valuable, not just because of its age, but because of its content, theme, message and the glimpse, readers catch, into the mind of one innovative, creative and perhaps peculiar Anglo-Saxon poet.

Perhaps, my objective is not to give the poem a title per se, but more fittingly to illustrate that the poem is entitled to a name that it has been long due. To furnish the poem with a name that is more fitting would be to warrant it value on its own merits without having to compare it to supposed sources, while also acknowledging that its main theme is not so unclear and confusing.

The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism Bedingfield, M. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press. Cross, J. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Fisher, John Entitling. Critical Inquiry See footnote Cross ed. Hill, Thomas D. Journal of English and Germanic Philology The Holy Bible. Authorized by the Hierarchy of England and Wales London: Burns and Oates. Hulme, W. London: Early English Text Society.

Saint Justin, Martyr. Apologia prima. John Kaye ed. London: Griffith, Farran, Brown. Kim, H. Gesta Salvatoris. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies. The Exeter Book. New York: Columbia University Press. Liuzza, Roy M. RES Mackie, William ed. London: Oxford University Press.


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The Harvard Theological Review Shippey, T. Cambridge: D. Within that chronicle information is structured in entries: one for each of the years about which information is given. One of the entries which has attracted more attention is the one for the year There we find the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard.

This story is written in a way that makes it different from the rest of early annals in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: it is longer than any of them and has a very spontaneous syntax many times throughout the text. One of the reasons for this syntactic spontaneity could be the fact that this annal was made up using material from a story which, in turn, was part of an oral tradition.

The knowledge about a Germanic oral literature tradition like that of the later Icelandic sagas has led scholars to the hypothesis that the Anglo- Saxon Chronicle entry for the year could be the product of a similar Germanic oral literature tradition which may have also existed in Anglo-Saxon England.

En ella encontramos la historia de Cynewulf y Cyneheard. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle entry for the year is probably the one to which scholars have paid more attention. These are two of the ways in which the entry for the year has been described. This particular entry, with its account of the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard, has been the object of long discussions among scholars, mainly because of the nature of its style within the context of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. After saying this, and in order to better understand the way in which this entry was written, we should analyse the whole literary context to which it belongs.

First of all, we would have to say that not all the entries in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle follow the same stylistic and syntactic patterns. There are differences among them. As we can see, annals were written in different styles, and the style of an annal and its date of compilation seem to be related. Nevertheless, all of them were written during the reign of this king. That is why other scholars like Cecily Clark include them under the category Initial Alfredian Compilation.

That is why here White talks about the entry for the year However, he means the same story referred to by others as that of the entry for , that is to say, the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard. Having said that, we should consider the different styles in which the annals were written. They are normally very brief and their syntax is quite simple, relying mainly on parataxis. However, within this group we find the entry for the year , which is the one we are dealing with here.

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This annal is also known as the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard. After these entries syntax and style gradually gets more and more complicated. In this new group of annals we find the ones dealing with the Danish invasion and the wars against the Danes.

An example is the entry for the year in Plummer and Earle , 1: An example is the entry for the year , about the Conquest itself Thorpe , 1: Entries like this one are the exception rather than the rule. After having classified the different entries of the Chronicle, we can say that one of the greatest exceptions to this stylistic classification is the annal for the year , where we find the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard.

At this point some questions arise: what is the style of this entry like? And why was this entry recorded that way? The answer to these questions has been a very recurrent object of study. Several reasons have been pointed out in an attempt to explain the striking difference between this and other annals.

Bruce Mitchell and Fred C. Some other comments on this entry are those by Stephen D. White and those by Francis P. Stephen D. On the same entry Francis P. These scholars suggest that this passage resembles the art and style of the sagas, and particularly, and as commented by two of them, of the Icelandic sagas.

This suggestion has been one of the most recurrent answers to the question of the unique nature of this text. The Icelandic sagas are a literary genre based on story-telling and an instance of Germanic oral literature tradition. Sometimes the stories told by these sagas have a historical background, but this historical background was normally lost before the story was written down, due to its nature as oral literature.

Now we could argue, what the point is for the comparison of an Anglo-Saxon text —the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard— to an Icelandic tradition like the sagas. Normally the explanation given for this comparison has been the fact that, because of its similarities in style with the Icelandic sagas, the nature of this entry is due to its result as an instance of another Germanic oral literature tradition similar to that under the term Icelandic sagas. The reference to the Icelandic sagas is used as a comparison, which has allowed critics to draw a possible hypothesis to sort out the problem of the origin of the nature of this text within the context of an oral literature tradition in Anglo-Saxon England, which could have been similar to the one which developed later in medieval Iceland.

So, the fact that the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard developed orally before it was written down, could be a possible answer to the question of why this story broke with the annal format of the Pre-Alfredian entries, which were shorter and not as developed as the one for the year This is also quite important, because if we are dealing with the nature of the annal for , as opposed to that of the rest of the early entries, we should also analyse the style of those entries in order to find the reason why those early annals were written in that particular way.

As it was pointed out above, the style of those early entries is quite plain, normally relying on parataxis, and following the same structure patterns all the time. These examples, even though they are not taken from the early entries, illustrate the kind of texts from which the early annals are supposed to have developed. This evidence is quite plausible, but not only that, some critics have also suggested that the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard and their feud at Merton, which could have derived from a possible oral saga tradition, was added to a previously existing entry.

According to this the first part of the entry would be something similar to the rest of the early entries and it is only the account of the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard which would have an oral origin. This fact provides us with evidence to see the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard as an addition in the middle of what was the original entry. Thus, the structure of the annal for the year would be the following: If the annal for the year was written before —following the style of the rest of the early entries— and if the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard —whose style is different— was added later, then, why was it added?

The answer to this question may not be easy, but it is probably in the context of kinship and family ties where the reason for this lies. As Bruce Mitchell and Fred C. King Alfred the Great was a member of the House of Wessex, and ruled over the kingdom of the same name from to They were all the descendants of Cerdic, who, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, conquered Wessex from the Britons, and was, therefore, the first king of the West Saxons.

This fact can be seen as the source for a hypothesis which may explain the inclusion of the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard in the Anglo- Saxon Chronicle. What is being suggested here is that the fact that the compilation of the Chronicle began during the reign of King Alfred the Great, together with the fact that both Cynewulf and Cyneheard were relatives of 3 Normal type: original entry. Bold type: addition to the original entry.

Therefore, this passage could have been included because of the family ties existing between Alfred the Great, Cynewulf, and Cyneheard. Finally, and as a conclusion, we would have to say, that the story of Cynewulf and Cyneheard, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle entry for the year , is probably the one which has attracted more attention from scholars, due to the fact that it breaks with the annal style followed by all the early entries in the Chronicle. This has led scholars to look for a reason for this breaking with the general style of early annals, thus proposing the possibility of the origin and nature of this entry within the context of an Anglo-Saxon oral literature tradition, similar to that of the later Icelandic sagas, which, according to scholars, this story seems to recall.

Proceedings of the British Academy Greenaway David C. Anglia Robinson []: A Guide to Old English. Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, London. Towers, Tom H. White, Stephen D. Viator Whitelock, Dorothy c. Vertical bars indicate a father-son or father-daughter family tie. Boxes indicate a brother or sister family tie. The only daughters and sisters in this genealogical tree are Cuthburh and Cwenburh. The arrow indicates a husband-and-wife relationship. Italics indicate those who were kings or queens of Wessex.

Numbers indicate the order in which they succeeded to the kingdom of Wessex. The only queen in this genealogical tree is Seaxburh. The information in square brackets is not in the text from which this genealogical tree has been compiled. Yet that information is found in the entry for the year The compilation of the information about the House of Wessex into the genealogical tree presented here is my own.

The aim of this annotated bibliography is to offer, in chronological order of publicaction, a comprehensive analysis of the several studies and editions publiched from the nineteenth century Plummer to the very first years of the twenty-fist century Rumble for his helpful comments and Dr Jorge L.

Bueno Alonso who encouraged me greatly in the process of revision of this bibliography. Bately xxii. For the sake of practicality, I have decided to divide all the references into three clearly defined sections. The first offers most editions that I am aware of of the annal in its original language or translated into Present-Day English.

Finally, a considerably shorter section closes this bibliography in which I offer a number of references which, not being essential for the study of the entry, do treat it in some way relevant to its understanding. Plummer, ed. It is more widely discussed by J. Bately Among those we might find H. Chadwick Studies on Anglo-Saxon Institutions. Cambridge: CUP , p.

Hunt Cynewulf. Oman A History of England. England Before the Norman Conquest. London: Methuen , pp. Hodgkin A History of the Anglo-Saxons. Second edition London: OUP , vol. II, pp. Stenton Anglo-Saxon England. Third edition Oxford: OUP , p. Whitelock The Beginnings of English Society.

Revised edition London: Penguin , pp. Second edition Harlow: Longman , pp. Whitelock Fowler 3. Old English Prose and Verse. London: Routledge. English Historical Documents, c. Also N. Wright Treharne Old and Middle English: An Anthology. Oxford: Blackwell. Also in Whitelock With a few exceptions,12 scholars have commonly found this story as one of the best illustrations of the early Germanic heroic tradition in Anglo-Saxon literature. Finally, more contemporary lines of thought seem to have also found its way through the scholarship devoted to the Merantune episode.

Such is the case of the feminist reading offered by Nina Rulon-Miller , with particular attention to the female character whom Cynewulf decided to visit on that deadly night. Magoun ; also C. Wrenn Heinemann, White Oxford: Clarendon Press , pp. His linguistic observations are also valuable as he gives a detailed description of some difficult grammatical structures and the different readings found in the various manuscripts. London: Swan Sonnenschein , pp. The author gives brief comments, mainly drawn from previous or contemporaneous scholars Earle, Sweet Nevertheless, it appears to be hardly useful from a modern point of view.

Smith eds. Although this is the only facsimile edition of this manuscript so far, it offers an excellent quality in its plates see Fol. As the editors acknowledge in the preface, due to its wartime publication, the work unfortunately lacks an introduction with some remarks on the manuscript and its context. A new, perhaps digital, edition in full colour with such introductory notes would be desirable these days. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode , pp.

Considered one of the chief translations of the annal, this work offers valuable notes and comments on the whole Chronicle, particularly on its sources as well as pointing out some alternative readings. Though she dedicates one paragraph to the entry and its possible sources p.

She also provides a short bibliography with some items mentioned here p.

Table of contents

Both of these were utterly removed from the second edition published in Robinson []: A guide to Old English. Oxford: Blackwell , pp. It is certainly useful for students of the language, although the notes avoid going into any kind of detailed discussion. London: Routledge , pp. He makes fairly general remarks without going into deep discussion.

However, he successfully pinpoints the most relevant thematic arguments discussed to that moment oral origin of the story, heroic values, etc. There are a few references to previous scholars as well as a brief bibliography on p. The text itself seems to follow the conventional patterns established both morphologically and in its division into paragraphs.

Fifteenth edition. This is an influential edition of the annal in its original Old English version with a few introductory notes. There is also some information on the manuscript tradition of the Chronicle. Norman ed. London: Dent A comparative translation of three different copies of the Chronicle: namely, the Parker and Laud versions as well as the text from the F manuscript Cotton Domitian A.

VIII with certain references to other codices in the footnotes. Although the few names given refer to relevant figures Stenton, Plummer, Magoun , they appear to be slightly out of date. A Collaborative Edition. A broad description of the manuscript is given in the introduction to this excellent edition of MS.

Herbison Discovering Old English. Belfast: Ultonian Press , pp. Despite being a mere edition of the text from MS. It is interesting to note that they divide the annal into three main parts, though apparently without following any specific pattern, only to make it easier for non-advanced students of the language. A useful layout is used as each of these portions is accompanied by a glossary on the same page and a list of valuable textual notes facing the entry.

Introduction to Epic

This edition of the Old English text is preceded by a short introduction mainly aimed at those interested in the Chronicle as a whole. It offers some information on the different editions of the whole text as well as on the number of surviving manuscripts and their stemma. In the back of the Anthology pp. Some commentary on other problematic issues such as the heroic struggle between kin and king as well as further bibliographical details seem to be missing.

As the author states in the introduction p. However, Swanton presents one of the latest efforts to bring the most important source of Anglo-Saxon culture closer to both scholars and students of the period. Second edition Oxford: Blackwell , pp. A very useful edition and translation of some annals from the Chronicle with a short introduction in which the editor gives a rather general view of the whole work referring briefly to its possible origin, structure and educational aim.

Cambridge: CUP , pp. An edition of the vernacular text found in MS. A, accompanied by a critical apparatus dealing with both semantic and linguistic issues relating to the annal. Within only four paragraphs, he is able to skilfully pinpoint the main issues on the possible origin of the story, its key linguistic features or the semantic struggles the reader may be left with due to the so-called paratactic style. He also lists some useful bibliographical references as further reading. Though much cited by later commentators, Wright only dedicates two short fragments of his work to the annal.

Unfortunately he is unable to give evidence to support this. History Notes And Queries In order to establish the thematic unity of the annal, the author examines and finally rejects the earlier proposals by Magoun and Moorman see pp. His argument is plausible in that a political background seems obvious behind the main action of the entry. However, he fails to consider appropriately the thematic relevance of some other elements, such as the heroic values in the dialogues prior to each fight or the theme of revenge.

Publications of the Modern Language Association of America However, his innovative reading depends to a great extent on later renderings of the story, mainly that of Geoffrey Gaimar, a twelfth-century chronicler p. Philologische Mitteilungen Papers On Language And Literature 13, 3: Leeds Studies In English Over half of the twenty laws […] seem to be closely followed.

The number of references given in the footnotes is certainly noteworthy. English Language Notes 31, 1: Besides, the references given in the footnotes also lack some significant names. Journal of Medieval History 22, 3: The impressive bibliography offered is certainly remarkable as it concerns a wide range of topics such as the succession to the other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms p. Neophilologus, 81, 3: The first of his topics an uncle-nephew relation between Cynewulf and Cyneheard seems dubious, as Bremmer fails to comment on the same relationship between Cynewulf and Sigebyrht twenty-nine years before.

In Roberts, J. Nelson with M. Godden eds. Brewer , pp. Philological Quarterly In Hill, J. Gainesville: University of Florida Press , pp. It is also remarkable the number of times he refers to other heroic narratives, especially Beowulf, in order to establish some kind of generic heroic behaviour. In Rodriguez, A. Alonso eds. Anglo- Norman Text Society, Vols.

Blackwell , pp. This is the only edition of the twelfth-century compilation of previous material by Geffrei Gaimar who produced a chronicle in verse for his Norman audience. His account of the Cynewulf and Cyneheard episode ll. In the critical apparatus, the editor gives different readings found in the other extant manuscripts of Gaimar. London: Nelson , pp. His layout, with the Latin text facing the Modern English one, is considerably helpful.

Proceedings Of The British Academy 64, On pp. Here she deals with its origins and nature with exceptional brevity, giving no more than one single reference Wrenn, p. In Godden, M. This often-cited article places the entry into the wider context of the heroic tradition as it emphasizes the common features of its main Anglo-Saxon examples: namely, Beowulf, The Battle of Maldon and the annal for In Johnson, D. Interpreting Old and Middle English Literature. Oxford: OUP , pp. Within this general overview of the main examples of heroic texts in Old English literature, the author refers to this entry pp.

This is undoubtedly a good place to start for students interested in the heroic tradition surrounding early Anglo-Saxon England, but it appears somewhat broad from a scholastic point of view. This second view is also the one that will be maintained in this paper, and evidence in its support will be drawn from our analysis of the third section M3 of the Middle English part of The Helsinki Corpus of English Texts It will be shown that the evolution of the English verbal modal system has taken place in a progression of stages strictly related to one another, all of which play a relevant role in determining the system as it is now.

The Middle Ages (700–1550)

Our analysis will mainly focus on the Middle English period, which constitutes a fundamental stage in the transitional process of auxiliation Kuteva of English modal verbs. The development of the English modals has been interpreted in more or less radical terms. In particular, it was David Lightfoot , who considered the evolutions in the verbal modal system as a whole series of changes taking place simultaneously in the 16th century.

A different interpretation is instead offered by those e. Aitchison , Plank , Warner , Fischer who see this evolution as a result of gradual, related changes originating already in Old English and taking place mainly in the Middle and Early Modern English periods. Although dialectal variants played an important role in Middle English, our analysis will not take into consideration issues of a diatopic nature, not only for a question of space, but also because the major syntactic changes in this period do not generally find their origin in dialectal variation but are the result of developments common to all Middle English dialects Fischer This might be due to the scarcity of the texts that have survived, because some of the forms that seem to be missing in this period are attested in Middle English: 1 but I desire gretly that [ This evolution, however, has been much more gradual than Lightfoot has presented it.

The nature of these verbs has been greatly debated: some scholars e. Lightfoot mainly consider them full verbs; others e. Van Kemenade , Traugott , Denison, , Warner have shown how pre-modals were already distinct from full verbs for some particular syntactic and semantic features, which somehow associated them at times with the class of auxiliaries.

Modern Scots. Indeed, in Middle English many of these verbs still show non-modal usage. However, the evolution towards the auxiliary function is not uniform, as can be seen from Table 1 based on M3 data. Nagle, instead, explains the appearance of these combinations with the more widespread early use of SHALL as a marker indicating futurity and the less advanced progress of MAY and CAN in their loss of lexical-verb features: Shall even in the late OE had begun to undergo auxiliarization and by ME was advanced in the process.

May and can on the other hand, were late in becoming full auxiliaries, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries respectively. Therefore, shall was a natural candidate to precede the two others, which could be both auxiliaries and main verbs throughout ME. In Middle English the particle to marking the infinitive started to be used more and more frequently, but never followed the modal verb to strengthen the close relation between a modal and its infinitive.

Indeed, the few cases found in Middle English texts in which an infinitive preceded by to is dependent on a modal are not very clear. Visser , Strang , Denison In the Middle English instances found, however, the ing-form seems to have prevalently an adjectival function. Indeed, in the first of the following M3 quotations the ing-form precedes SHALL and could serve as an appositional phrase to the noun it follows, while in the second, the ing-form might have an adjectival function: 9 and ech fleisch schal no more be slayn of the watris of the greet flood, neither the greet flood distriynge al erthe schal be more.

Indeed, already in Old English synthetic subjunctive forms started becoming opaque, due to syncretism with indicative forms. This phenomenon, which became more evident in the Middle English period, was accompanied by the increase in the use of pre-modal verbs — such as cunnan, sceal and magan — to express this mood. The periphrastic construction, which was already in use in Old English, became more and more popular in Middle English: Mustanoja estimates that by the end of the 15th century the ratio between the periphrastic and inflectional subjunctive was nine to one in non-dependent clauses.

MAY replaced the earlier subjunctive in Middle English in the expression of exhortations, wishes and in clauses of purpose Mustanoja Subjunctive-like MAY is often found in noun clauses after verbs of direct petition like pray and beseech with first- person subjects: 12 we prayen [ Fischer says that a subjunctive in a Middle English temporal clause can indicate uncertainty, a non-fact or a prospective event. But in many contexts, where the preceding adjective or verb is not incompatible with the sense of weak obligation expressed by Root SHOULD, we have merger […]. This usage started in the Old English period, although at that time the prevalent form for the expression of future actions was the present tense.

These dynamic10 values were a development of the deontic ones that characterised their original full verbal meaning. From this it was only a small step to reach the fully-fledged meaning of futurity, since commands necessarily have a future time reference. Although in Old English the three verbs could not be confused due to their different endings, their forms coalesced in the following centuries, on account of the loss of inflections which occurred in Late Old English and Middle English.

Such cases occurred at first only when willan was employed with inanimate subjects, consequently with no hint at volition. The original weak value of futurity gradually became stronger and stronger, also favoured by the absence of this tense marker in English, a gap which could lead to ambiguity and misinterpretation.

SHALL was less and less commonly used to express deontic necessity; this loss was compensated for by an increase in the use of MUST to express the same pragmatic function. The increasing use of these verbs as markers of the future tense may have been favoured by the overlapping of the pragmatic functions expressed by them. By the end of the 15th century, the idea of futurity latent in the notion of volition became predominant in the use of WILL, with the result that this too came to be used as an auxiliary expressing futurity.

From a quantitative point of view, our data, based on the comparison between the SHALL- and WILL- forms in the M3 part of the Helsinki Corpus, confirms the higher frequency of the former, not only in absolute numbers vs , cf. Table 2 but also in normalised figures, i.

However, this ratio is not uniform. As regards a possible correlation between medium and choice of modal verb, the data do not seem to confirm it. Indeed, comparing the data of Table 2, we can see that SHALL-forms occur below average not only in the main speech-based text types i. As regards WILL- forms, their behaviour in speech-based text types is extremely inconsistent, ranging from a very high frequency in homilies to a very rare presence in sermons. In the corpus taken into consideration there are various cases of alternation between SHALL and WILL in the same context; the analysis of these texts confirms the previous remarks, besides leading to further interpretations of their different uses.

And I wol departe my prise or my praye by deliberacioun, and my lust shall been acompliced in delit. Wycliffe Sermons P I. Epistemic values have been shown to have evolved from deontic or dynamic ones, through a process of subjectification by means of which some modal verbs have gradually moved from the propositional domain to the expressive one cf. Very few of the pre-modals had an epistemic function in Old English. As regards the meaning of ability, it was current until the 16th century; then the use of MAY to indicate dynamic possibility became prevalent, and the gap was filled by the use of CAN to indicate ability.

Traugott 42 and Denison The same features can be used to suggest a need to make careful legal distinctions: 50 Be it further enacted That [ For Nuyts this would be because the epistemic meaning began as an invited inference from a dynamic meaning. Here are some examples with epistemic MAY: 56 it [concupiscence] may wel wexe fieble and faille by vertu of baptesme and by the grace of God thurgh penitence, but fully ne shal it nevere quenche CTPARS: In addition, final clauses in Old English can refer to actual result or an eventuality which will tend to be subjectively-viewed and MIGHT lends itself to use as a metaphorically remote reference to indicate the latter.

The naturalness of an epistemic interpretation of fugitive eventualities has already been noted above for MAY. They follow the logic of the deductive reasoning of philosophical discourse. This is clearly shown by the constant combination with needs, and the frequent presence of the adverb then and of coordinating conjunctions such as so, for and the like. The use of epistemic MUST in generic sentences combined with needs played a key role in its semanticization. As regards SHOULD, in very few M3 cases has a SHOULD-form been found to express a reasonable conclusion deriving from previous predications; in one instance the subjectivity of the remark is emphasized by a content-oriented booster such as certes: 69 for certes somthing possessyng in itself parfyt good schulde be more worthy than God, and it scholde semen that thilke thing were first and eldere than God.

In M3 texts the subjectivity of the point of view is frequently strengthened by the co-occurrence of an epistemic adverb like certes: 70 For certes, sire, oure Lord Jhesu Crist wolde nevere have descended to be born of a womman, if alle wommen hadden been wikke. CTMEL: As has been seen, great innovations took place also in the meanings and uses of the category of pre-modal verbs.

However, these changes were not accidental or unrelated; they were gradual and related to one another. As this paper has shown, the process analysed is a dynamic one, which can only be interpreted in a diachronic perspective. Indeed, very often adjustments and modifications took place to fill gaps existing in the system. This can be seen, for example, in the development of the uses of CAN to denote dynamic ability. The great changes analysed e. As has been seen, there was no sudden change and the old forms usually coexisted with the new ones for a long period of transition e. It can safely be deduced that, indeed, it is this ambiguity which allowed the evolution of the process.

The data found in the corpus thus enable us to conclude that in the Middle English period all central modals have made considerable progress in their evolution from full predicates to auxiliary predicates, many of them becoming predicate operators for tenses such as the future and the conditional, or for moods such as the subjunctive. Moreover, the picture we obtain from our analysis of the corpus clearly indicates that modal forms do not seem to have developed in strict synchronicity. Although the grammaticalisation trend is similar for all of them, the evolutionary process of each central modal takes place in different stages and in different periods.

This process, however, is a global one, in the sense that the changes of each central modal verb often depend on — and give rise to — the changes of the others. Linguistics 18, Battistella, Edwin L. Linguistica Atlantica 17, Blake, Norman ed. In Edwards, F.

Detroit: Wayne State University Press, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. London: Croom Helm. De la Cruz, Juan M. English Historical Linguistics Amsterdam: Benjamins, London: Longman. In Schneider, Edgar W. Focus on the U. Fischer, Olga Syntax. In Blake ed. In Hart ed. Historical Development of Auxiliaries. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, Bern: Peter Lang. Hart, David ed. Diachronic Perspectives. Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard; repr. London: George Allen and Unwin Kuteva, Tania Auxiliation. An Enquiry into the Nature of Grammaticalization. Helsinki: Department of English, University of Helsinki.

Lass, Roger Phonology and Morphology. Amsterdam: North-Holland, Lightfoot, David Principles of Diachronic Syntax. Nagle, Stephen J. Historical Linguistics In Fisiak, Jacek ed. Linguistic Change under Contact Conditions. Language History and Linguistic Modelling. A Cognitive-Pragmatic Perspective. Studies in English Historical Linguistics and Philology. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, Palmer, Frank , Mood and Modality. Skeat, Walter W. London: Methuen. Sweetser, Eve From Etymology to Pragmatics. Metaphorical and Cultural Aspects of Semantic Change. Traugott, Elizabeth Closs Syntax.

In Hogg, Richard ed. The Cambridge History of the English Language, vol. Leiden: Brill. Warner, Anthony English Auxiliaries. Structures and History. The existence of several manuscripts of this work, which were copied in dialect areas different from the original one, makes it viable to establish the bases for historical lexical dialectal study. However, to be able to determine whether or not certain terms were used in a restricted regional scope, in a particular time-span I follow an approach combining the detailed study of the vocabulary of a particular work together with the analysis of the cumulative evidence from other sources.

Furthermore, I show that word geography have some practical applications which might help to carry out a deeper analysis in the textual history of Cursor Mundi. Medieval English Dialectology, diatopic methodology, Cursor Mundi. I am grateful to Margaret Laing and Keith Williamson for their close readings of this paper and their suggestions. Given the shortage of results in the investigation on lexical dialectal material, this list is an invaluable tool in the field.

Nevertheless, his work does not reflect the possible distributions of the lexical items, since it is mainly based on the comparative analysis of the existing copies of Cursor Mundi, which cannot provide a full picture given the small number of dialects represented in the copies. A more thorough study is required to gain this objective. The methodology we have devised for the study of dialectal lexicon in Middle English, combines a detailed study of the vocabulary of a particular work together with the analysis of the cumulative evidence from other manuscript sources for each dialectal term.

In principle, Cursor Mundi should offer a good opportunity for the study of dialectal lexicon. The existence of several manuscripts, which were copied in dialect areas different from the original one, makes it viable to establish, as Kaiser did, the bases for historical lexical dialectal study, that is to say, it is possible to establish whether or not certain terms were used in a restricted regional scope, in a particular time-span. Furthermore, in this particular case, all the most southerly copies of the work derive from a common exemplar, which, as I show further on, affects the lexicon in relation to the localization of the existing copies.

Analysing a single work, even if there are a good number of extant manuscripts, has many limitations. Kaiser never intended to establish the distribution of the lexical items he listed, but even so, in order to provide independent triangulation for lexical localizations, the analysis of more than just one work is required. Nonetheless, our previous study reveals that the distributions of these items seem to be also restricted to certain areas.

Furthermore, I show that word geography may have some practical applications which might help to carry out a deeper analysis in the textual history of Cursor Mundi. Thomson considers that there are nine extant manuscripts of the work and several other copies including short fragments inserted in other works related to Cursor Mundi in some way. There are three different groups of non-northern versions of the poem. L is dated on f. The analysis of some folios from the beginning of the work in L shows a highly standardized language, with only a few forms that are more restricted, or whose occurrences have not been recorded in many places with any frequency in A Linguistic Atlas of Late Medieval English LALME.

All non-northern versions of this group were copied in the 15th century, but L and B are later copies. Thus, the language of L can easily fall into what M. It is indeed true that two of the extant manuscripts deriving from that version are localized there, and that a third one, as I have pointed out before, could belong into Staffordshire as well. The consistency in the vocabulary in the different southern manuscripts suggests that most of the lexical changes were made by the original translator of the southern version and not by those of the extant copies.

Therefore, the vocabulary is not that likely to have been selected - when copying from a northern original - in the areas where these manuscripts can be localized. These words, nevertheless, when changed for an alternative one, show their restricted use in the area of production of the original southern version.

A detailed study of the vocabulary in the different extant texts could help to identify the place of provenance of this version. This is possible because, once the text was translated into a more southern dialect, the scribes for the subsequent copies were not likely to go back from replacement words to the words in the original northern version.

This can be done by comparing the lexical material in the different manuscripts of this work with other material currently being analysed by M.



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