The Lord Grainger Collection - The Mystery

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But complete pessimism is unwarranted. Since those modest beginnings some important studies have been published or are in progress. Fundamental to his research are the detailed maps created by the Palestine Exploration Fund between and , and excellent photographs of. Thus we may hope that such optimism is not unwarranted. It is especially unfortunate that the excavations of Sarepta near Sidon and Tell Arqa near Tripoli were interrupted by the conflict in Lebanon, since those uninhabited sites made it possible for the excavators to anticipate clearing large sections and exposing the urban plan of several periods in each city's history.

What does seem clear is that some Phoenician cities enjoyed a mutually beneficial relationship with their Persian overlords during the two centuries of Achaemenid rule. But the evidence for this comes largely from the historical sources, especially Diodorus Siculus, who wrote late in the first century B. That city was, of course, a tripartite creation in the late fifth century, a joint venture by Arados, Sidon and Tyre. The council there may be related only to the internal arrangements of that city-state.

Certainly Phoenicians abroad met in assemblies, for we have epigraphic evidence to that effect But G. Diodorus is similarly castigated by G. Is the result, as G. Hieronymus of Cardia's account of Nabataean origins, used by Diodorus during a description of an attack on the Nabataean capital of Petra in B. C, has now been sharply criticized as just such a literary topos It has been fashionable, until recently, to denigrate Diodorus as a latter-day Herodotus, credulous and unreliable. Luckily this view is being revised From the time of Alexander to the Roman annexation of Syria the Phoenician cities appear and disappear in the fragmentary sources.

But to what purpose? Persia sent no aid during the nine months of the seige. Only twenty years later, in B. C, the resurrected city was again beseiged, this time by the rival dynast Demetrius Poliorcetes. Tyre's repeated uncompromising stance may be seen as a characteristic trait of its inhabitants, demonstrated as early as the Iron Age Herodotus Histories, 1.

Protection of that heritage, often with the aid of its daughter-city Carthage, would be a powerful motivation for resisting aggression However destructive the wars of Alexander's successors, the treaty of Apamaea ended the first phase of struggle for control of Syria by establishing the boundaries between the Seleucid and Ptolemaic portions.

The Phoenician cities revived and, if the sketchy sources are reliable, even prospered for some eighty years. It is possible that the inland portion of that boundary, not noted by G. Toponomy is not a subject of interest in this book 50, which is puzzling because place-names that are clearly dynastic should be of particular interest to the political historian of Hellenistic Phoenicia.

Perhaps, in light of the two paragaphs directly above, this is an appropriate place to open a brief discussion which is continued in more detail in the appendix to this article. The Graeco- Roman toponomy of Phoenicia has not yet been the subject of a separate study This is not surprising in light of the protracted warfare in and around the region while it was nominally under Ptolemaic rule, and the rapid erosion of central authority there in the century and a half of Seleucid hegemony.

But there is abundant evidence that certain already-existing settlements were renamed. In most cases the identity of the site is certain, and the approximate date of the renaming can be established. In very few cases has the Greek name survived among the toponyms of the present Lebanese republic. This is generally true where a native. Much work has already been done on the etymology of the modern place-names of Lebanon Greek toponyms in Phoenicia are of course not all associated with the Hellenistic age, or with Greeks.

Byblos is a Greek toponym which pre-dates Alexander the Great. The same may be true of Tripolis which, as noted above, was a Phoenician foundation of the fifth century B. But there are other Greek names as well, e. Kabir , Lycus mod. Kelb and Leon either the mod. Damour or "Awali 54 , as well as the towns of Ornithopolis unidentified 55 and Chalkis identity disputed , and the promontory of Theouprosopon Ras al-Shaqqa Their exact antiquity is unknown. For the specifically Hellenistic toponyms see now the Appendix. The king list from the Phoenician coastal cities is notoriously difficult to establish for the Hellenistic period.

Many names are repetitious and without clear chronological markers. It is therefore virtually impossible to create a dynastic schema for any one city-state. After reviewing the various attestations of this monarch, G. That site, with its splendid indigenous monuments and securely-dated Phoenician inscriptions, still awaits the attention it is due. One subject of continual interest to G. He devotes five full pages to just that topic. Should we expect any indigenous culture with deep and vibrant roots in its own soil to effect the rapid and profound absorption of another culture's values?

We should, in fact, expect only gradual acceptance of Greek culture in any of the civilized portions of the Near East. To look for that in the immediate aftermath of Alexander's conquest is expecting too much too soon. By the Augustan age, as G. By the Hellenistic era. But it was not until the destruction of Carthage in B. This presents an awkward situation for the historian, who must assess both the pre- and post-war eras in any discussion of the Hellenistic period. Nevertheless it takes nearly twenty pages of text for G.

Where were these expatriate Phoenicians? But this does not square with G. We are not aided by the visual evidence G. The map p. This excludes all of Spain including the Balearic Islands , Algeria and Morocco including the Canary Islands , as if they lay outside the Phoenician political and cultural orbit.

C , and the Balearics were not claimed by Rome until the late first century B. Thus G. It is. But Phoenician legends on coins continue at least until the very end of the second century. The Phoenician language, and through it Phoenician culture, were still viable in North Africa at the time of Augustine of Hippo The Phoenician homeland maintained its ethnic and political identity within the late Roman and Byzantine empires until the Islamic conquest Sidon, as G.

The latter epithet was clearly a warning. Berytus was an exception, and G. About it was destroyed by the Seleucid usurper Tryphon, as Strabo Strabo implies that Beirut was not restored until his own day. Unfortunately he doesn't tell us just why he finds that tradition unconvincing. Indeed, he discusses only the evidence of Strabo and Pliny the Elder and omits references to Homer, Herodotus, Pompeius Trogus abridged by. Justin and a scholiast's marginal comment on the Odyssey Pliny's remarks, in fact, have nothing to do with Phoenician origins.

In brief, G.

Grainger: Country Gardens etc.

Bahrain has by far the strongest claim to be Tylos, and Arados mod. Muharrak very plausibly is Pliny's secondary island of Tylus minor. This won't do. The ancient tradition of migrant Phoenicians from the Gulf cannot be explained away in such a mechanical, manipulative fashion. Only one classical source, and that from very late antiquity, argues even parenthetically that the Phoenicians were indigenous to the Levant. That source is the Dionysiaca Bk.

The argument for letting the ancient sources speak for themselves has been made most concisely by G. Bowersock 69 with additional comments by me Salles has made it clear that the burden of proof now lies with those who would argue that the Phoenicians were not migrants to the eastern Mediterranean. Hellenistic Phoenicia leaves much to be desired. There is distinct ambivalence shown regarding the social and economic importance of Phoenicia. At one point 75 G.

Yet G. But even within the parameters established by the author, i. Two examples will suffice.

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The Second Syrian War 72, which was concluded by a dynastic marriage between the Ptolemies and Seleucids, is marginalized without being named in a few sentences But the reader of his account has no idea of how desperately the Ptolemaic forces fought-even drafting native Egyptians into the army to supplement its dwindling manpower. The latter decision led, predictably, to armed native unrest in Egypt.

It is not idle speculation to suggest that the ancient temple-site of Bavalbek Shamsimuruna?

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Four other interrelated aspects of Phoenician history will also demonstrate shortcomings in Hellenistic Phoenicia. One is the transitional period in the first century B. C, when the Greek kingdoms became Roman provinces. This is a critically important era, particularly for understanding the later development of the Roman Near East.

Jean-Paul Rey-Coquais has been especially attentive to the development of Phoenicia during the Augustan age. Several recent articles by him 76, nowhere noted by G. A second consideration is the history of the Ituraean Arabs, who dominated Mt. Lebanon and the Syrian Hawran during and after Pompey's restructuring of the east.

Their history has been the subject of a recent and far-ranging article of which G.


But the literature cited to support his case does not include several important studies, two of them quite recent Lastly is G. No solution seems in sight, but the state of the debate is best summarized recently by Maurice Sartre There is much, much more to be done. Hellenistic Phoenicia provides the barest of outlines for the history of Phoenicians at home and Phoenicians abroad. It is neither a synthesis nor an in-depth study of this topic.

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But it does perform a very. Some Hellenistic Toponymns of Phoenicia. The toponomy of Phoenicia provides a number of dynastic names or names clearly associated with one or another of the rival Hellenistic kingdoms in Syria and Egypt. In every case the Greek name would appear to be honorific only, with no political significance other than a royal favor shown to a Phoenician town or city.

Such benefaction might be a reward for loyalty or simply recognition of commercial value. Seleucid toponyms 80 are found in northern and central Phoenicia, coastal and inland. C , and one or two sites on the coast. I shall begin with the latter. There are three place-names which can be associated with Ptolemaic rule in Phoenicia. The major Ptolemaic garrisons were placed precisely where the Biqa" narrowed, i. But it is more likely that the Ptolemaic toponym disguises a known site such as the fortress of Gerrha.

Jones Tscherikower 85 believed it was located in northern Palestine, a supposition strengthened by recent excavations at Tell Anafa in the north-eastern corner of the Huleh Valley in northern Israel It also appears among the thirty Heracleias registered in Stephanus1 Ethnica. That would be near the heartland of the Seleucid kingdom and considerably beyond the limits of territory controlled by the Ptolemies. He noticed that a list in Greek of bishops attending the synod of Antioch A. The Latin translation of that list gave Epiphanius' bishopric as. The curious survival of the Greek name for more than seven centuries solved the mystery.

Apart from the widespread popularity of the name is the obvious association of Greek Heracles and Phoenician Melqart, e. Several Seleucid dynastic names are associated with Phoenicia. Two Antiocheias are known. The attempt by Jones 91 to see some analogy between this name and the later Caesar aea ad Libanum Area is pure guesswork. There are also two Laodiceias within Phoenician territory. One is identified with ancient Qadesh mod. Tell Nebi Mend on the western bank of the upper Orontes. The fact that it appears in Polybius in the context of the Third Syrian War means that its re-naming occurred at least as early as the reign of Antiochus II.

Bilingual coins of the second century B. Modern sites confidently identified with Hellenistic toponyms share some common features. Many are located at strategic points and lend themselves to the garrisoning of military detachments. All but Beirut were on or near borders between Seleucid and Ptolemaic portions of Phoenicia. The reason for the granting of such a coveted prestige remains unclear.

Commercial preeminence was undoutedly a major consideration, and ranked those two cities with the other important coastal emporia of Tripolis, Byblos, Sidon and Tyre. Grateful acknowledgement is made to John Pairman Brown who provided much helpful criticism of an earlier draft and to whom I turned for the benefit of much wisdom on fundamental aspects of Phoenician history.

Thanks also to the editors of Topoi for several useful suggestions. Any remaining errors are my responsibility. Moscati ed. The volume runs to nearly pages and is lavishly illustrated often with color plates. It was published simultaneously with French, German, Spanish and English translations. The contributors are among the most eminent scholars in the field. See e. Segert in JAOS, , p. Archaeology, p. Lipinski ed.

For an earlier treatment of this topic, see H. Topoi, 1 , p. Perhaps best read in conjunction with B. Sullivan eds. Tome II : Guide bibliographique. Many of the ABD's entries are specifically or tangentially relevant to Phoenician studies, but of the Iron Age and Persian period only. Greeks saw each other in the third and second centuries B.

This is the. The evidence is indeed fragmentary, but hardly nonexistent. Philip Hitti, overzealous and nationalistic in his treatment of the Phoenicians, nevertheless provided a useful glimpse at Greek-Phoenician relations in the Hellenistic era ; see his Lebanon in History 2nd ed. Here G. But we have Augustine's word for it that Carthaginian culture was still a viable factor in his own day : Onde interrogati rustici nostri quid sint, punice respondentes Chanani As long as a language lives in its spoken form, so lives the culture it embodies.

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Wallach ed. The relevant sources on Zeno's ethnic identity and his association with Sidon are noted in W. Citium had a tri-cultural ambiance throughout the Hellenistic period, though G.

On this see C. She lived to be almost 90 years old. All three sons helped Gideon in building the Homestead. After its completion, Ralph moved to Ohio to handle his father's business dealings there, becoming the first mayor of Fairport Harbor, on the shores of Lake Erie, east of Cleveland. Mary's Church. Francis practiced law with his father in Canandaigua, and built a house on the west side of North Main Street, about a block north of the Homestead. Cornelia his wife died in December of from what is believed to have been complications from childbirth.

Francis never remarried, and it appears that Mindwell raised the children at the Homestead while Francis was in Albany as a State Assemblyman and Washington as the Attorney General under President Harrison. The family lived in a "small" Gothic cottage, built for them by Francis Granger, on the southeast corner of Butcher now Granger and Main Streets. Francis built the North Wing at this time so Mrs. Isaphine Granger could have her children on the same floor with her.

Miss Antoinette Granger was born in Canandaigua.

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As a child she was a very typical "tomboy. Miss Isaphine Granger the quiet almost mystic sister, was born in Canandaigua. It is known from a letter dated December 9, written by Isaphine, that she was very sickly as a child and young woman. The best doctors here and abroad accomplished nothing for me, nor did careful diet and every care. admin