Karl der Große - Kaiser wider Willen? (German Edition)

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Imperial bureaucrats were simply eager to reduce the number of languages in their territories to simplify their work. However, as an entirely unintended consequence, the number of languages that could serve as the basis for the conceptualization of nations was reduced. Therefore, pragmatic policy heavily influenced the earliest phase of nation-building. To demonstrate how this worked, we will examine the case of the Slovene language.

In the beginning of the nineteenth century, the idea of a single Slovene language emerged. Previous authors had mostly distinguished three distinct Slovene languages, Carniolan, Styrian, and Carinthian Kosi , — The new standard language rather quickly established itself in literature and, perhaps most importantly, in the new weekly Kmetijske in rokodelske novice [Agricultural and Artisanal News] published from on.

That created an Andersonian unified field of exchange and communication. However, not all local intellectuals were willing to abandon their provincial standard languages. The majority in South Styria continued to use and develop their version of Slovene into the first half of the nineteenth century. It also showed that the Habsburg state increasingly saw the Slav speakers of the Austrian Littoral, Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola as a distinct community. When non-German editions of the Reichsgesetzblatt The Official Law Gazette were implemented in , this classification was already well-established; a single Slovene edition for all the Slav speakers in the above-mentioned provinces was published.

The case of the Slovene language was not exceptional. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the Habsburg state was often involved in the standardization of languages that later provided a basis for the national classification of its inhabitants. To be clear, most of the work was done by linguists, but the state acted as an arbiter.

It allowed the use of certain standards in schools and used them in its communication with the public. In Dalmatia, for example, the state started abandoning the use of the local Ikavian version of Illyrian i.

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Serbo-Croat and began employing the version used in Croatia and Slavonia Clewing , At that point, the Habsburg language classification was mostly finished; at the imperial level, only Slovak was later added as an independent language. Other languages — such as Friulian, Hebrew, or Yiddish — were never officially recognized as such. The classification was largely arbitrary and was certainly not a reflection of the contemporary situation.

There was also no separate Slovak edition even though several Slovak scripts were in use at that time Maxwell , — and passim. Not only were some written languages ignored but the classification scheme used to define languages was not unanimously accepted among scholars. There were many alternative classifications of Slavic languages, for example. Some linguists classified Slovak as a language, others as a dialect of Czech, Czechoslovak, or even Polish.

Some considered Slovene a language, while others were convinced that it was only a dialect of the Illyrian i. South Slav language Maxwell , , , On top of that, many contemporaries were convinced that all the Slav vernaculars were dialects of a single Slav language Maxwell , 80— However, the state approved classification of languages had a significant impact.

Nine linguistic categories from the Reichsgesetzblatt were used in bureaucratic procedures and informed political discussions. They provided a useful framework for the nationalists and their attempts to nationalize previously non-national inhabitants of the Habsburg Empire. This constitution was never promulgated but the paragraph found its way into the Austrian December Constitution of Stourzh , 17— In both cases the nationalities were not defined or named, but most parliamentarians assumed they could be defined by language use.

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They followed the prevalent equation of language groups with nations, a concept that had a long tradition and gained popularity from the turn of the nineteenth century forward. In and , some nationalists were still advocating for nationality based on provincial identity or the establishment of an Austrian nation. These voices were in the minority and mostly fell silent in the following decades Judson , , Similarly, the idea of a multilingual Hungarian nation was mostly superseded by the idea of Hungarians who spoke Magyar exclusively Gal , 36— The arbitrary state classification of languages had important political consequences; regardless of its pragmatic, bureaucratic motives, the state implicitly recognized and legitimized some nationalisms and made others almost impossible to promote.

Bureaucratic forms that required people to label themselves using one of the prescribed categories were used increasingly during the period. The decennial censuses help illustrate how forms and their categories influenced the process of nationalization in the Habsburg monarchy, both in Austria and in Hungary. On the contrary, the use of many vernaculars was reduced to a set of predetermined linguistic categories; bilingualism was eliminated King , 58, Many people equated linguistic categories with national ones and interpreted the results of the census accordingly Brix It was by no coincidence that Jewish nationalists worked hard to make the Austrian state recognize Yiddish as one of the approved categories in the census; without it the claim to Jewish nationhood could scarcely be made Shanes , Because language use was understood as a reflection of nationality, the results of the census buttressed the illusion that the entire population of the Habsburg Monarchy belonged to one of the nine ethnolinguistic nations.

The state statisticians insisted that these results should only be understood as intended: as a snapshot of language use. However, they were also well aware of the fact that the data they presented were used by the public and scholars as a proxy for nonexistent nationality statistics Bureau der k. Statistischen Zentralkommission , 58— Besides, the state itself was not entirely consistent in its bureaucratic practices. The imperial army, for example, published its own annual statistics.

The army basically adopted the taxonomy used in the civil census, although it counted Czechs and Slovaks separately. Contrary to the civil census where people were asked for their language of daily use, the military asked soldiers about all their language skills. Paradoxically, the self-styled last bastion of the unitary empire thus promoted the impression that all the inhabitants of Austria—Hungary had distinct national identities Stergar , , ; Scheer , 66— There was a third major effort where citizens were counted: the Hungarian census. Stephen, the census included a question on other spoken languages Gal , 42; Varga , Therefore, its results reflected the linguistic diversity slightly more than the Austrian census.

Respondents were still limited to a pre-set taxonomy of languages. The categories used in the Hungarian census were similar to the Austrian, but there were some important differences. Slovak was recognized as a separate language in Hungary, and Serb and Croat were sometimes separated too Varga , Despite these differences, one aspect of the results was identical to the Austrian census. The entire population was divided into categories that were widely understood as national at the time and the impression was created that everyone in the empire belonged to a nation.

The censuses did not simply misrepresent social reality, above all they shaped it. First, completing census forms familiarized the population with national categories of identification that were still a novelty for many. Second, the census was an opportunity to choose. With the strengthening of nationalist movements, it increasingly became an opportunity to affirm loyalties Cohen , Not by coincidence, nationalists only increased their activities at the time of the census, which they saw as an opportunity to promote nationhood Judson , It was one of the events that invoked and evoked nations and thus helped the efforts of nationalists to reify them Brubaker , Other classificatory efforts were more frequent or even permanent and therefore more central.

The use of classification in schools was extremely important. Until , schoolchildren were classified in three categories: German, Slovene, and bilingual Utraquisten or Slovene-German. After that year, only two options German or Slovene remained even though many pupils were bilingual and did not feel comfortable with a binary choice Almasy a , —, b , Even more importantly, this classification had practical consequences. All over the empire, pupils in different categories were not only taught by different teachers, often nationalists, but the curricula they were taught differed greatly too.

On the one hand, pupils were subjected to patriotic propaganda focused on the ruling dynasty. But on the other hand, Czech-speaking children were not only told they were Czechs, but they also read other books and learned about other historical figures than, say, German-speaking children. These practices helped construct ethnic boxes by reinforcing the boundaries between groups.

Autobiographical sources clearly show the consequences of classification in schools. Josip Sernec, for example, was raised in a predominantly German-speaking bilingual family in Lower Styria and later became one of the most prominent Slovene nationalist politicians in the province. He likely would not have developed a Slovene identity if he had not been categorized as a Slovene and put into a Slovene class Sernec , 2—8. Classification was consequential for other people living in bilingual areas as well.

The linguistic classification of vernaculars as dialects of a language promoted the notion that their speakers were members of particular nations. Teaching children the standard language in schools made communication among supposed co-nationals easier — or even possible.

Before learning High German became widespread in Transylvanian Saxon schools, speakers who used different Saxon vernaculars often had to resort to using Romanian to talk to one another. In response to these linguistic challenges, the teaching of German was promoted to make Saxons a part of the German nation Berecz , 87, Saxon schools were private and the classification of Saxons as Germans was a result not of state policies but of the Lutheran Church, yet it paralleled similar processes in state schools.

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Speakers of almost mutually incomprehensible vernaculars were told that they spoke the same language. Then the schools taught them the standard version of their language; this made the unified field of exchange and communication possible and provided the basis for the expansion of nationalism Anderson , German-language schools did not necessarily turn Slovene-speaking pupils into Germans, for example, but Slovene-language schools certainly played a large role in making Slovenes out of pupils speaking different Slovene vernaculars.

Somewhat surprisingly, the Austro-Hungarian army also played an important role in the promotion of national categories based on linguistic classification. As in most other cases, this was not intentional but was a result of policies and practices that had other, more pragmatic, goals. In fact, the intentions of the army, especially after the monarchy was split in two after the Compromise of and universal military service was introduced a year later, were exactly the opposite.

The army invoked and affirmed national categories of identification and made them into relevant categories of everyday practice for the soldiers. The most important mechanism in this process was the use of the so-called regimental languages, a peculiarity of the Austro-Hungarian army. As universal military service was introduced in , the army formalized the use of regimental languages. When more than a fifth of recruits in a regiment spoke a common language, it became a regimental language. From that point, officers had to use that language to communicate with the recruits from that linguistic group Allmayer-Beck , 98, The aim was to make training more efficient or even possible, but there were other consequences.

Large amounts of grain were brought from outside the country.

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The famine was alleviated by the King and Queen, whose policies were aimed at long-term improvement in the economic situation of all social classes. William implemented agricultural reforms, while Catherine devoted her care to the poor. On November 20, , William set up an Agricultural Academy in Hohenheim to radically improve general nutrition in the kingdom through teaching, experimentation and demonstration and, in so doing, laid the foundation for the University of Hohenheim.

Dienstbarkeit on private ground near streets. Around the country, Catherine set up charities, which were controlled by a national charity in Stuttgart. Donations were received from the private property of the royal couple, by Catherine's mother the Tsarina , and by other members of the royal family.

At the same time, a poor relief authority was set up in the Ministry of Interior.

The completion of the Katharinenhospital in was initiated via a donation by Catherine in On the orders of King Wilhelm I, masked pigs Maskenschweine? Catherine and William's second daughter Sophie , who later became Queen of the Netherlands, was born on June 17, Despite the outwardly harmonious marriage of William and Catherine, William had extramarital affairs. Eduard von Kallee , born on 26 February is thought to be his illegitimate son. When Catherine found her husband in Scharnhausen on January 3, , with a lover presumably Blanche La Fleche , she travelled back to Stuttgart.

She died of complications from pneumonia on January 9. To cover up the circumstances of her death he tried to obtain her letters, which he suspected contained information about his love affairs. William wrote in a letter that he was considering abdication. He wanted his brother Paul to renounce his claim to the throne, in favour of Paul's son, Frederick. After their mother's death, Catherine's sons by her first marriage went to live with their grandfather, Peter , the-then regent and later Grand Duke of Oldenburg.

Soon after the death of Queen Catherine, William sought a new marriage. He looked again to a cousin, Pauline — who was the daughter of his uncle Louis and 19 years his junior. The wedding took place on 19 April at Stuttgart. Pauline tended to be rather pious and was a prude. For example, when her daughter was to be painted naked as a baby, Pauline refused it. The beginning of the marriage was outwardly harmonious and the royal couple undertook official duties and many activities together.

On August 24, , their first daughter Catherine was born. The birth of the heir Charles on March 6, , was received by the people and the royal family with great joy.

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Their third child Augusta was born on October 4, William continued to maintain extramarital relationships with other women. In the late s, the royal couple became increasingly alienated. Born in , she started her acting career in at the Munich Court Theatre. After a stint in March , in the autumn of she became permanent at the Stuttgart Court Theatre, where William soon became aware of her. William and Amelia would keep up their relationship until William's death in The book contained a review of the historical development and the political situation in Germany. Soon it became known that the published name of the author and editor of the book were fake.

The real author was Friedrich Ludwig Lindner — , who was somewhat of a personal assistant to William. It was assumed that William was behind this idea and that Lindner acted as his ghostwriter. In the spring of , diplomatic relations were broken off, the foreign minister, Count Wintzingerode , and the Bundestag envoy, Freiherr von Wangenheim , resigned.

The popularity of William rose in liberal circles. Reprisals, however, meant that William had to give in. At the Hambach Festival on May 27, , in which Hambach Castle in the Rhineland-Palatinate was a backdrop for liberal and democratic rallies, the call for banned political gatherings was answered. William moved to convene the parliament elected in for over a year until 15 January From William tried to better relations with Prussia. Agriculture, trade and crafts flourished and debt and taxes were down. Shipping on the Neckar via the Wilhelmskanal had become possible in , and the road network was expanded.

Plans were produced for the construction of the first railways. William was very interested in the emerging industrialisation and visited, in , the United Kingdom, the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution. For his Silver Jubilee in , the kingdom was in excellent financial shape. On September 27, William celebrated his 60th birthday.

On 28 September, a procession took place in Stuttgart with 10, participants, including riders and 23 horses and wagons with teams of oxen from the entire kingdom. The whole town was decorated, fireworks were set off in the evening and bonfires were made all around the country. William was celebrated by patriotic poems and songs in the newspapers. The celebrations and participation around the country expressed how the country had become unified and connected under William's reign.

The relatively satisfied mood of the population became sour. Liberal and democratic demands were expressed more forcefully. In January a protest in Stuttgart called for an all-German Federal Parliament, freedom of the press, freedom of association and assembly, introduction of jury trials and arming of the people. In February, a revolution broke out again in France.

When Louis Philippe I abdicated and fled into exile to England, William recognised the urgency of the situation and tried the stop the revolution through concessions to the liberals and democrats. On March 1, he reinstated the liberal press law of , which had been overturned previously by the Carlsbad Decrees in He tried to replace the Privy Council under the conservative Joseph von Linden , but this failed on March 6 as a result of further protests.

William visited Frankfurt in July , where since May 18 that year, the Frankfurt Parliament met and on 29 June and had chosen Archduke John of Austria to be regent. On April 20, , the Chamber of Deputies voted in the Landtag with only two dissenting votes in favour of recognising the constitution drafted by the Frankfurt Parliament on 28 March Given the tricky situation of Stuttgart, he moved his court to the garrison city of Ludwigsburg.

On 25 April, William decided to accept the constitution. But he felt it was imposed humiliation, which was multiplied when he realized that he was the only ruler of a larger German state who had accepted the Constitution. After the Frankfurt Parliament had failed with the rejection of the German imperial crown by Frederick William of Prussia, on 30 May the remaining members decided to relocate the parliament to Stuttgart. Derisevely known as the Rumpfparlament " rump parliament " , on June 6, , the remaining deputies met initially under President Wilhelm Loewe in Stuttgart.

Tirpitz around I goo was the very epitome of what one would expect in appearance from an irascible sea dog. A long, powerful face with a prominent nose was further delineated by two dominant physical featllres, one natural, the other carefully cultivated: sharp, round piercing eyes and the famous "twopronged" beard. A trim, erect frame fully enhanced the smart darkblue uniform, with its thick, loose gold epaulettes and bright gold sleeve stripes. A sword, dangling apparently nonchalantly from the left hip, was held in place at just the proper jaunty angle by a firnl left hand.

But this image is deceptive, and not only because the passing years were to soften the features, whiten the beard and expand the midriff. Tirpitz was, in fact, anything but a simple sea dog. He had earned a reputation in the s with the torpedo service, and between and as Chief of Staff of the High Command; but he last set foot on a German warship as Chief of the Cruiser Squadron in East Asia in He never comn1anded a modern battleship - much less a sqlladron or fleet of capital ships.

The nineteen years as State Secretary of the Navy Office were spent primarily behind a n1assive wooden desk at the Leipzigerplatz in Berlin, or at his summer house in St Blasien. Stag hunts in Rominten or fox hunts in Donaueschingen in time became more familiar venues for hinl than the North Sea or the Atlantic Ocean.

In 18g8 he became a voting member of the Prussian Ministry of State, thereby. And two years later, Tirpitz was raised into the hereditary Prussian nobility. Nor were historians to cast him in the role of the salty sea dog. Some attributed to Tirpitz a penchant for thinly disguised falsehoods, while others depicted him as being one-sided, with the fanaticism of a true believer; another group found him "crafty", too much the disciple of sheer power politics as well as the narrow specialist; some have laid at his feet the charge of having been a dangerous anti-parliamentarian.

Most have described Tirpitz as being ruthless, clever, domineering, patriotic, indefatigable, aggressive yet conciliatory, pressing yet patient, and stronger in character and drive than the three chancellors and seven heads of the Foreign Office who were destined to be his co-actors on the political stage. To be sure, he was all of these things, but above all he was a manipulator of men and ideas, the forerunner of the modern professional manager, an expert parliamentary tactician, a capable organizer, and the forerunner of the twentieth-century propaganda specialist.

His naval policy has been evaluated by various scholars as a "gruesonle error" and a "monstrous mistake". His place in Wilhelmian Germany, however, remains pivotal. Born the son of a county court judge in Kustrin, Brandenburg, on 19 March , Tirpitz entered the Navy in and was commissioned fouf years later - at a tinlC when, by his own adnlission, the Navy was hardly a popular institution. During his tenure in office, however, the Navy was to attain equal social status with the Anny cavalry or Garde regiments and, for a time, to assume a dominant role in Gerlnan politics.

No less an authority than Chancellor v. Bulow later commented that the Reich's foreign policy during the Tirpitz years had, "to a degree, stood in the service of our armaments policy". Ten years older than Wilhelm II, Tirpitz had witnessed the wars of unification as a midshipman and then an ensign in the Royal Prussian Navy. He therefore belonged in the 18gos to a generation that was not content to rest on the old Bismarckian laurels, but was already seeking a further stage of development - from Grossmacht to Weltmacht.

When he last visited the Iron Chancellor in the Sachsenwald in , Tirpitz felt that Bismarck still lived in the Germany of , or the England of But times had changed. Industry was booming. It was an era of industrial concentration of capital, cartel formations, banking syndicates, and revolutionary. These statistics, in turn, caused many to become dissatisfied with the physical dimensions of Bismarck's Reich.

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Great Britain and France had their empires in Africa and Asia. The United States had a western frontier. Germany seemed stifled and hemmed in by France and Russia. Her meagre colonial empire, a disparate collection of unwanted African real estate and far-flung Pacific islands, offered little consolation. But many Germans in leading positions believed that a new division of the world was at hand.


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In his initial speech in parliament on behalf of the First Navy Bill on 6 December , Tirpitz stated than the Navy had become "a question of survival" for Germany. In February he opined that in the cOIlling century power shifts in Asia and South America would require strong German sea power in the service of "our entire foreign policy". If at that time the Reich was not ready to take advantage of the expected power shifts with a mighty battle fleet, she "would sink back to the status of a poor farming country".

Vast ship-building contracts would also act as a pump-primer for German rndustry. Especially, regular placements of contracts would help to overcome the vicissitudes of the capitalist business cycle, and bring added prosperity to the German proletariat. Tirpitz was not, however, about to conjure up visions of a "parlianlentary" fleet. What he had in mind was a weapon solely in the hands of the Supreme War Lord. The Second Navy Bill of I goo and the Supplementary Bill of I g08 established that battleships would be built, and would be automatically replaced after twenty years of service, regardless of the costs involved.

Funds for the maintenance of the ships, docks, training centres, and personnel were calculated according to the number of ships in service, and were to be lnade available automatically. In February Tirpitz promised his sovereign that he would "remove the disturbing influence of the Reichstag upon Your Majesty's intentions concerning the development of the Navy". He proved to be as good as his word. There was no question that the fleet was built first and foremost. Already in his first month in office, Tirpitz had informed the Kaiser: "For Germany the most dangerous naval enemy at present is England.

In a sense, then, the fleet was to be bllilt against two parliaments. But Tirpitz also put forth strategic and tactical reasons why the fleet had ultimately to be able to challenge the Royal Navy. The British, he argued, could never concentrate their entire sea power in the North Sea, where the GermaIl fleet could "unfold its greatest military potential between Helgoland and the Thames". Given his tinbending belief in the effectiveness of massed torpedo-boat attacks against battle fleets, Tirpitz calculated that any attacking fleet would require at least 33 per cent numerical superiority.

The Navy Office estimated in that with a battleship ratio of 2 : 3, Germany would possess a genuine chance of victory "even against the Royal Navy", owing to the higher quality of German ships, sllperior tactics, better-trained officers and ratings, first-rate leadership, and the centralized command-strllcture headed by the I aiser - which, of course, was a fiction. Tirpitz viewed as his ultimate goal a navy of 60 capital ships and 40 light cruisers.

Accordingly, under the aegis of the 2 : 3 formula, Britain wOllld have to build 90 ships by Even if this were possible, Germany, by virtue of the fact that she maintained two-thirds of the High Sea Fleet on active duty at all times while the Royal Navy kept only one-half in service, would be able to concentrate a greater force in the North Sea immediately upon the olltbreak of war. Tirpitz probably did not intend to attack Great Britain and counted instead on British recognition of the danger posed by the German fleet concentrated in the North Sea.

This recognition, in turn, would allow the emperor "to conduct a great overseas policy" In addition, Tirpitz explained, the fleet wOllld enhance Germany's value as an ally Bundnisfahigkeit , especially in the eyes of relatively minor sea powers eqllally in search of a "place in the sun". The "risk theory". Tirpitz calculated that "the danger period would be past" by 19 I 4- Admiral C.

Fitzgerald also called for war before the "Tirpitz-fteet" was completed, but when Sir John :Fisher in I g04 and again in I g08 suggested the "Copenhagen" route to the king, the latter replied in shock: "My God, Fisher, you Blust be mad! As Bulow once put it, "we must operate so carefully, like the caterpillar before it has grown into the butterfly". Concerning the ultimate size and disposition of the fleet, he confided that this revolved round thoughts "which one can certainly think, at tinles must [think], but which really cannot be written down".

In December I 8gg Tirpitz informed the Saxon military representative in Berlin: "For political reasons the government cannot be as specific as the Reichstag would like it to be; one cannot directly say that the naval expansion is aimed primarily against England. The Reich's principal source of income lay in customs receipts and indirect sales taxes; the individual states alone had the right to tax their citizens. To be sure, state governments could be called upon to cover deficits in the federal budgets through special grants, but this usually proved to be a trying and lengthy process.

The introduction of an inheritance tax or federal income tax, on the other hand, would have brought the tax-. The stage-by-stage plan was thus a ruse designed not only for the German parliament and the Royal Navy, but also to avoid much-needed tax reform that would have entailed social reforms. The anti-British nature of Tirpitz's - and indeed of Gernlany's policy at the turn of the century is clearly documented. Wickhanl Steed, then a newspaper correspondent in Germany, found that no fewer than nine out of every ten German papers revelled in anglophobia.

Joseph Chamberlain's feelers in May 18g8 in Birmingham and in November in Leicester for " a new Triple Alliance between the Teutonic race and the two great branches of the AngloSaxon race" were made because isolation had ceased to be splendid. They were rejected in Berlin. Instead, the Reich burst in on AngloPortuguese discussions in the summer of 18g8 in a heavy-handed attempt to share in the spoils of the "dying" Portuguese empire.

Another idee fixe nurtured by Tirpitz was his obsession with battleships. In his famous "Memorandum IX" of , as well as in earlier tracts of and I, Tirpitz had called for a fleet of battleships concentrated in home waters. Only in this manner, he argued, could colonial concessions be wrung from Britain.

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In accordance with Mahan's "blue water" school, Tirpitz banked all on a decisive naval battle Entscheidungsschlacht in the southern or central North Sea in order to "kill the bear". Cruisers, according to Tirpitz, could resolve colonial disputes and quell native rebellions; they could never protect German merchant ships against the Royal Navy. Opponents of battleship construction were not tolerated at the Leipzigerplatz. Tirpitz viciously attacked proponents of cruiser warfare such as Admiral Hollmann, Admiral v. Maltzahn, denouncing them to Admiral v.

Muller as "dangerous to the Navy". Nor was the Supreme War Lord spared: Tirpitz opposed Wilhelm's blueprint for the "fast capital ship", a combination of cruiser and battleship. And in I the state secretary denounced submarines as only local and secondary weapons, and refused to create what he termed a "museum of experiments". Lieutenant-Commander Franz. Schleinitz in Ig08 all felt Tirpitz's wrath for supporting submarine warfare Kleinkrieg.

Young officers who associated too closely with cruiser or submarine tactics could be assured of short careers in the Imperial Navy. In conclusion, Tirpitz came to the Navy Office with a well thought out, comprehensive naval construction programme. The creation of a mammoth battle fleet would provide the power basis for a great overseas policy. This, in turn, wOllld mean large building contracts and hence prosperity for German industry and proletariat alike. Boom and profits would buttress at home the dominant political and social position of the ruling elements and, it was hoped, arrest demands for further parliamentarization on the part of the Social Democrats and Liberals, and at the same time would turn the energies and ambitions of Germany's middle classes towards overseas expanSIon.

Wilhelm II readily accepted the domestic aspects of Tirpitz's naval programme. The Navy offered the fascinating appeal of becoming a force relatively independent of parliamentary control and thus more directly a part of his -"personal regime". In speaking of the new Navy Bill with which he had "completely tricked the Reichstag", Wilhelm expressed his certainty that the parliamentary deputies "were absolutely unaware of the extensible consequences" of this bill, which provided for automatic replacement of antiquated ships.

He intended that "the dogs shall pay until they turn blue". The ruler also understood the salient points of the programme in terms of foreign policy. Both his admiration for the Royal Navy and his hatred of "perfidious Albion", this "hateful, mendacious, unscrupulous nation of shopkeepers", moved him in this direction. As the Empress Frederick noted: "Wilhelm's one idea is to have a Navy which shall be larger and stronger than the British Navy. Such a policy would allow Germany's neighbours to increase their political and economic influence while the Reich stood still.

It was one thing to develop a theoretical naval programme, how-. It was precisely in this area that Tirpitz made perhaps his greatest contribution. Hailed by many as the "Roon of the Navy", in obvious reference to the Prussian parallel of , he started out, however, not by opposing parliament, but by popularizing the idea of a German Navy with the masses in order to persuade the Reichstag to grant the necessary funds for naval construction.

Tirpitz changed the M arine-Rundschau from a technical journal into a popular magazine. The naval annual N auticus was founded and a special News Bureau within the Navy Office influenced the press. The "bible of the Navy" was serialized in German journals, copies were placed on board every warship, and some 8, free copies were distributed by the Navy Office. Mass rallies in favour of naval expansion were organized throughout Germany. Political and industrial leaders were invited to attend naval reviews, officers courted the favour of Reichstag deputies, popular journals and books glorified naval history, and naval uniforms became the vogue for children, including the Kaiser's six sons.

In fact, Wilhelm's brother, Prince Heinrich, entered the Navy in , and his third son, Adalbert, followed in I. The German academic community also lent support to the naval initiative as outstanding scholars such as Hans Delbriick, Erich Marcks, Hermann Dncken, Gustav Schmoller, and Max Weber - among roughly "fleet" professors - provided the theoretic'al llnderpinnings for "navalism" and W eltpolitik.

Various political pressure groups in the Reich were also asked to endorse the naval programme. The Pan-German Leaglle also became a propaganda auxiliary. And in 18g8 Alfried Krupp and Prince Wied founded the German Navy League Flottenverein in order to "emancipate large sections of the community from the spell of the political parties by arousing their enthusiasm for this one great national issue". The Navy League financed its own newspaper, Die Flotte, which soon had a circulation of , Its membership rose from 78, in 18g8 to 1,, in Krupp had earlier aided the naval cause by publi.

The "Central Union of German Industrialists", federal princes, provincial governors, church organizations, and national. His lavish sea pilgrin1ages to Norway during the SUIl1Iller and later to Corfu during the spring resembled a small armada. In fact, the monarch maintained a sn1all flotilla of ships. In I he purchased the British Thistle renan1ed Meteor ; later on, a second Meteor former Comet and even a third Meteor, a former American schooner, were bought.

His old paddle-steamer H ohenzollern was retired in as Kaiseradler, and replaced in April by a new H ohenzollern, with gold plating from bow to stern. The empress also maintained her private yacht, the Iduna. Moreover, he gathered around hin1 a coterie of aides who were loyal to hin1 and who spent their sumIl1ers in St Blasien preparing the annual naval budgets: Capelle, Dahnhardt, f;ischel, HopIllan, Heeringen, Biichscl, Coerper, Ingenohl, Scheer, and Trotha, all officers destined to climb the ladder of naval con1n1and. These tactics were not without result.

National Liberals, Free Conservatives, Agrarian, and Centre delegates were all too easily seduced by this propaganda. The Conservatives, who had first rallied under BisIl1arck in under the slogan "rye and iron" in order to steIl1 the nlnting tide of Socialisnl, united now with the. Miguel's Sammlungspolitik politics of concentration.

Aristocrats and Biirger were again asked to join forces in a loose Reichstag coalition ranging fronl the National Liberals to the Conservatives, in which the latter would agree to drop their opposition to the "hated fleet" and vote for naval construction in return for higher tariffs against foreign grain. The alliance proved workable: the Navy received Conservative support in 18g8 and I goo; the Agrarians, in turn, received higher Cllstoms dues in The heavy units were to be replaced automatically every twenty-five years, light cruisers every fifteen years.

Building costs were not to exceed ,, GM while recurrent naval outlays were limited to 5 million GM. The Navy Bill was to include the existing I 2 battleships, 10 large and 23 light cruisers, and therefore would entail new construction of only 7 battleships, 2 large and 7 light crllisers over the next six years. Such a fleet was regarded as strong enough for limited offensives against France and Rllssia. It was not a serious threat to Britain's naval position. This called for nothing less than a dOllbling of the fleet to 38 battleships, 20 armoured cruisers and 38 light cruisers.

The ships were to be apportioned as follows: 2 fleet flagships, 4 sqlladrons of 8 battleships each, 8 large and 24 light cruisers for the main fleet; a reserve of 4 battleships, 3 large and 4 light cruisers; and an overseas flotilla of 3 large and 10 light cruisers. A large portion of the naval expenses had, in the end, to be covered by national notes Reichsanleihen and hence deferred to future generations. Indeed, in I goo the Navy Office had even discussed at length the possibility of wringing from parliament a "third double-squadron", that is, a fleet of 48 battleships Table 5.

The Navy Bill of 1 goo - Walther Hubatsch's claim that it caused. The overall policy could no longer be camouflaged. The Navy now brazenly conlmented: "If we wish to promote a powerful overseas policy and to secure worthwhile colonies, we must be prepared first and foremost for a clash with England or America.

They carried the same armament as their predecessors Kaiser Friedrich III class , adding one 45 cnl underwater stern torpedo tube. The ships were launched in and conlpleted by at a cost of 24 million GM each. Changes in gunnery were introduced under Chief Designer Rudloff: it had proved possible to extend the rapid-fire principle to the 28 em gun, and hence the Braunschweig vessels received four of these guns arranged in two twin turrets fore and aft.

Of greater consequence was the fact that the running distance of torpedoes, around guo nl in 18g8, had been doubled by the invention of heat engines. Still further mechanical inlprovements by I g05 provided accurate firing up to a range of nearly 2, ffi. This, in turn, ushered in not only new developnlents in destroyer construction, medium-range rapid-fire weapons and machine-guns, but also prompted German.

With torpedoes travelling faster and farther, and because the maximum muzzle velocities of the I 5 em guns could not be stepped up owing to barrel wear, it was decided to raise the number and the calibre of the medium guns. The Wittelsback accordingly received fourteen I 7 em and eighteen 8.

Between I g03 and I g08 Germany built the last series of preDreadnought battleships, the Deutschland class. Guns and torpedo armament were not altered from the Braunschweig class - apart from adding two 8. German development of armoured cruisers followed British production in terms of speed, protection and displacement. Lord Fisher was an enthusiastic advocate of the fastest armoured cruisers with the heaviest possible armaments, to be used as scouts with the main battle fleet. The ships were intended to force their way through the enemy's screen of light cruisers, to monitor an opponent's flight, to report his position and available strength to the battle fleet; in short, to be able to crush any cruiser afloat as well as to hunt down armed merchant raiders - including the German trans-Atlantic liners with their best speed of twenty-five knots, should the latter ever be converted to armed auxiliary cruisers.

At best, the battle-cruisers were to be able to hunt down, pursue and destroy a crippled enemy fleet after a victorious battle. Initially referred to as simply large armoured cruisers or even "fast battleships", they were in I 9 I I officially termed "battleship-cruisers" and the following year "battlecruisers". Gard, building three such battle-cruisers in I g The I nvincible class, as they were known, will be dealt with in the next chapter. These twin ships were built at a cost of The two ships, named after famous early nineteenth-century Prussian Army reformers, carried eight 2 I em, six I 5 em and eighteen 8.

They were designed for service with the battle fleet. A final pre-Dreadnought armoured-cruiser was the Blucher, built. Admiral v. Tirpitz had opposed the impending "super" armouredcruiser construction race because he viewed these ships as purely reconnaissance vessels. The British were thus able to surprise him in Ig07 by leaking news that the Invincible was to be armed with As it was too late to alter Blilcher's ordnance, she was outfitted only with twelve 2 I em guns arranged in six twin turrets, one fore, one aft, and two on each side hexagonal mounting.

She was, of course, named after the victor of Laon and 'Vaterloo. Blucher was usually counted in later years as a battle-cruiser Table 7. The fleet of the 18g8 Navy Bill was organized into the First Squadron, composed of four ships of the Brandenburg class as well as four of the earlier Sac hsen class.

The available ships were reconstituted in 1g03 into the "Active Battle Fleet". Gernlan shipyards also continued development of the uniform type of light cruisers inaugurated with the Gazelle class in the 18gos. The cruisers mounted ten By I goo, coal-fired watertube boilers began to displace the customary cylindric Scotch boiler and thereby allowed a reduction in weight. Experiment with turbines, which in a cruiser promised further to reduce weight by about tons, pioneered by the Parsons Marine Steam Tllrbine Company at Wallsend-on-Tyne, had commenced on British destroyers in Velox and light cruisers in Amethyst ; the latter managed to develop 14, hp and reach a best speed of Tirpitz had at the end of I go 1 asked a special commission under Rear-Admiral v.

The Navy Office incilided in the budget of sufficient funds to install Parsons' turbines on an experimental basis in the torpedo-boat S and the Liibeck. The battleship Kaiser, built in , was to be the first German battleship to be olltfitted with turbines. The tllrbine was lighter, more compact and produced more power for engine weight than the reciprocal engine; it also used less coal at higher speeds and possessed a greater endurance at high speeds as it had fewer moving parts.

By , all German cruisers received turbine plants, while torpedo-boats ended the use of reciprocal engines in the previous year with V Table 8. A second series of light cruisers, the Nurnberg class, was also laid down during this period at a cost of 5. Three vessels of 3,ton displacement were built between 1g05 and Niirnberg, Stettin and Stuttgart.

The three ships carried ten As with the previous Gazelle class, these cruisers first served with the battle fleet and then were dispatched to overseas stations. The S 90 built by Schichau in I goo was the first modern large "T" boat designed for use with the fleet see Chapter 2. A fairly representative series during this era T T , consisted of 66o-tOil boats with 10, to 16, hp propulsion plants permitting a best. The T I 37 was built between and at a cost of 1. Diesel oil was introdllced as fuel for "T" boats by This hectic pace of naval construction permitted little time for organizational or administrative alterations.

The flurry of German capital-ship building, seen in retrospect, came at a critical point in European affairs. The Reich's involvement with Great Britain and Italy in an international blockade of Venezuelan ports in I g further aggravated Anglo-German relations, prompted the I aiser temporarily to seek naval increases in Ig04, and raised serious doubts in the United States concerning Germany's intention of seizing territory in the western hemisphere.

This, in turn, elevated Germany's fleet of sixteen battleships into third position in the world, behind Great Britain and France. But Germany's unilateral challenge to Great Britain's dominant sea power, as expressed in the Second Navy Bill, caused concern in Germany, especially among senior Army officers. The reaction in Great Britain was one of anger as well as determination to meet the German challenge head-on. To be sure, no one could deny the Reich a right to acquire sea power sufficient to protect her growing overseas trade and her scattered colonies.


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By March I 88g, with the "Naval Defence Act", Britain had encouraged naval construction by defining the requisite strength of the Royal Navy as a fleet equal to those of the next two maritime powers then France and Russia. This programme had called for no fewer than 70 ships, including 10 battleships and 42 cruisers; it was further refined by Lord Spencer in December to achieve series production of homogeneous types.

The Netherlands in I goo passed a ten-year building programme; Spain followed in January I g08 with a long-term plan. Nor were lesser naval powers immune to the virus of "navalism". Portugal in I 8g5 had launched a five-year programme, as had Mexico in I go I. But the cardinal difference was that Germany possessed the industrial capacity and technical knowledge as well as the will to realize her mamnl0th building plans: the Netherlands in were still planning their 6,ton battleship; Spain in 19 14 possessed one 15,7oo-ton battleship; Portugal in I g I 4 claimed one 3,ooo-ton battleship, originally launched in ; and Mexico in 19 I 4 still planned construction of two 2,40o-ton cruisers.

Germany, on the other hand, in had realized a force of fifteen battleships and six battle-cruisers in commission, with another six capital ships llnder construction. In short, it would be misleading to agree with Professor Jiirgen Rohwer that German naval expansion can simply be integrated with Spanish, Mexican, Portuguese, or Dutch plans lInder the general 11mbrella of "navalism". When he became Second Sea Lord in Ig, Fisher found that British warships missed more than twice out of every three rounds during target practice.

The Royal Navy had, in fact, last fired a shot in anger against a major naval power in off the Crimean coast. Fisher at once gave fll11 rein to gunnery reforms initiated by Captain Percy Scott, "the pocket Hercules", who managed to hit the target 80 per cent - against the fleet average of 30 per cent. Fisher's early personnel reforms as well as his gunnery improvements naturally frustrated Tirpitz's plans to be able to test Britain with a battleship ratio of 2: 3 because of superior German personnel and gunnery.

Still more crushing was Fisher's thorough fleet reorganization as First Sea Lord during Fisher depicted his revamping policy as being "Napoleonic in its audacity and Cromwellian in its thoroughness". Not only did he trim the Royal Navy's motley collection of slow and inefficient ships; he also reshuffled Britain's existing naval commands. The late Channel Fleet, now Atlantic Fleet, was stationed on Gibraltar within four days' steaming of home - with a force of eight battleships.

The Mediterranean Fleet was now stationed on Malta, and each squadron in European waters was assigned a flotilla of six armoured cruisers. Materiel and tactics were also updated to bring them into line with recent technological advances. As in Germany, smokeless powder was introduced in the I 8gos; armour-piercing shells were deployed, gun calibres increased, rapid-fire cannons built; and torpedo improvement centred round the new "heat" engines as well as the Obry gyroscope.

Fisher, as will be shown, radically ended this by I g But above all, developments on the international scene nlade possible such sweeping changes. It also greatly infuriated Wilhelm II, who declared that Britain with this step had deserted Europe and the white race. And the great naval victory at Tsushima eliminated the Russian menace at sea to Great Britain. The Kaiser at the time sadly noted: "The situation begins to look increasingly like that before the Seven Years War. The old British two-power standard could now be abandoned without risk, and attention could be turned instead to the new challenge from across the North Sea.

Fisher in October I g06 bluntly stated: "Our only probable enemy is Germany. Germany keeps her whole Fleet always concentrated within a few hOllfS of England. We must therefore keep a Fleet twice as powerful concentrated within a few hours of Germany. Accordingly, by I gog, given the AngloFrench-Russian Entente of , Fisher's reorganization schemes permitted Britain to make three-quarters of her battleships ready against the Reich.

The First Sea Lord never tired of quoting Nelson's dictum: "The battle ground should be the drill ground. The prevailing "invasion scares", in particular, played into his hands. As early as Febrllary , Captain Baron v. Luttwitz of the General Staff in Berlin had published an article - quickly translated - wherein he claimed that "the llnassailableness of England is legend".

Four years later General v. Goltz, and in Igol Lieutenant Baron v. Edelsheim, published tracts raising the possibility of invading Great Britain. Admiral Livonius assured his countrymen that the Royal Navy no longer possessed either the character or the ability of the days of Trafalgar and Cape St Vincent, and that Germany could defeat her at sea.

This invasion talk coincided with the expansion of the docks at Emden for the embarkation of , troops, and with Admiral Prince Heinrich's visit to Britain in May at the head of a sqlladron of eight battleships. The press denounced the British "buccaneering" adventure, insulted the British Army as a pack of "mercenaries", slandered Queen Victoria in gross caricatures, and hailed British reverses with gusto.

Secretary of State for the Colonies Joseph Chamberlain, in turn, poured oil on the fire by allliding to the alleged cruelty of Prussian troops during the Franco-Prussian War. And while the Bulow government maintained a correct posture, it could not muzzle the press.

Pressespiegel zu wissenschaftlich unredlichem Verhalten

Schroder inspect Gerlnan defences in the vVest. Triiume, caused a sensation by calling for a Franco-GermanRussian alliance against Great Britain in order to secure a new division of the world. In addition, the I aiser's signature as "Admiral of the Atlantic" on a letter to the Tsar in October hardly soothed British fears and sllspicions.

Still the "invasion scares" continued. Le Queux and Major A. Read actually reported the presence of 6, German spies in Great Britain. The crux of the matter was that Wilhelm II continued to furnish the fuel for these imaginary invasion novels. His unfortunate speech in March at Tangier, upholding Moroccan independence in the face of French incursions, was a maladroit effort to break up the Anglo-French Entente.

As such it failed miserably. Although the move forced the resignation of the French Foreign Minister, Theophile Delcasse, the international conference convened at Algeciras in the following year revealed the bankruptcy of German diplomacy. In a dramatic attempt to extricate himself froIn self-imposed diplomatic isolation, the Kaiser concluded a close offensive and defensive alliance with Tsar Nicholas II at Bjorko - the very agreement that he had overthrown against Bismarck's express desires in 18go.

But the pact proved to. Perhaps no single act could have stemmed - much less reversed the rising tide of Anglo-German hostility and suspicion. The Germans were by now paranoid in their belief that "Fisher was coming". Panic broke out in the Berlin Bourse as well. On 28 October the Daily Telegraph published remarks which Wilhelm II had made to Colonel Stuart-Wortley at Highcliffe Castle the previous winter, in which the I aiser had claimed that he had provided Queen Victoria with the successful operations plans against the Boers; that he, unlike the majority of his subjects, was pro-British; that he had rejected Franco-Russian overtures to mediate the Boer War, even sending these proposals on to the Queen; and that the German Navy was built not against Britain, but to secure the Reich's Far Eastern trade, that is, against Japan.

Yet Britannia had not repaid these favours, and the Kaiser exploded: "You English are mad, mad as March hares. If England will hold Ollt her hand in friendship only on condition that we limit Olir Navy, it is a boundless impertinence and a gross insult to the German people and their Emperor The [Navy] Bill will be carried out to the last detail; whether the British like it or not does not matter! If they want war, they can begin it, we do not fear it! It is against this background of international developments and Anglo-German fears and suspicions that subsequent naval developments must be seen; without such an understanding, what follows.


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