Dolci, amabili cattiverie (Italian Edition)

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Un grido contro il fiume digitale senza anima? Un grande e misterioso love affair? Parla inglese, ma con un vago accento fiorentino, questa band londinese in pista da una decade abbondante e formatasi intorno alla figura del vocalist e bassista Richard Scarr. Oltre al drumming di John Baker contribuisce al progetto il noise irrequieto del fiorentino Marco Caciagli, alla chitarra.

I punti di vicinanza con i Pixies, il noise degli anni novanta e un tocco di rock d'Oltremanica li rendono ben riconoscibili e apprezzati, soprattutto in versione live. Solo per questo concerto al Tender rispolverano la versione originale, per riproporre il greatest-hits del loro repertorio.

Do you know Stereolab? Non fatevi ingannare dal titolo, e neanche dalle atmosfere trasognate, eteree, indie-pop ed elettroniche vintage. Lustrate le vostre Lambrette, tirate fuori il Parka e le giacchette rigorosamente a tre bottoni Groove trascinante che Fay intreccia sapientemente con le sue doti canore. Pronti quindi a vivere una serata di Mod Sixties, di ballate beat e di richiami acid jazz, con la tastiera ruggente e la voce magnificamente dolente di Fay.

Non mancano tracce brutali in puro stile S. Psych-rock disarticolato e sperimentale, rigurgiti noise e reminiscenze post-punk. In ogni caso un sound con vocazione internazionale. La forza dei testi in italiano accompagna la melodia costruendo spaccati di rock che parlano di vita, di mondo reale, di sentimento e riflessione con grazia ed eleganza, con misura e passione. Sul palco il rocksteady beat dei White Overproof, navigato combo che allinea musicisti di grande esperienza, e che dal vivo scalda i cuori e muove le gambe con un mix di classici del genere.

Basso, chitarra, batteria e una sanguigna sezione fiati. Ma quanto costa? E a passare dal surf al surf-rock ci hanno messo un amen. Chitarre riverberate al massimo, melodie accattivanti e il divertimento dei party estivi! Il ritorno nella natia Sicilia, non ha stemperato le passioni di questi nipotini dei Beach Boys: mare, musica e sole!

Graditi costumi da bagno sgargianti. Ogni letto ha storie da vendere e magie da raccontare, a sua totale discrezione. Il letto sfatto di dei fiorentini Unmade Bed esalta e rinnova la missione psycho-pop e post-rock di Jennifer Gentle e Father Murphy, per fare due nomi. Con loro i pratesi Giochi per Bambini capitanati da Marco Burroni: rock, elettronica e ritmiche urbane.

Chiude il cerchio Fulci dj, e siamo al dj-set. Dopo, si torna a casa, ma anche no. Provate voi a convincere un mago del mastering come Carl Saff a metter mano alle proprie canzoni. Potevano mancare sul paco della Limonaia? Poco amarcord e molto divertimento. E pure sulle piccole riserve indiane della Firenze fu Capitale del Rock, abbiamo glissato. E chissenefrega se non conoscete la discografia degli Einsturzende Neubauten o dei Mass.

Trenta date in tre mesi, un concerto ogni tre giorni. Un live in equilibrio tra energia e poesia, potenza e piglio onirico. Come il nuovo album, eponimo, pubblicato da Picicca Dischi poche settimane addietro, con cui i Giuradei saziano la sete di tutti i sentimenti possibili, esortano a godersi l'ultimo respiro e a muovere le cose per riscrivere il presente. Da provare! Chiamateli next big thing, gruppo rivelazione, nuova promessa Da Firenze: chitarra, basso e voce, batteria e tastiere. I Venkmans devono il nome al Bill Murray di The Ghostbusters, ed il titolo del disco al sole nascente che illumina la loro strada.

Firenze chiama con gli ottimi Street Clerks: quattro voci, un contrabbasso, due chitarre e batteria, vincitori del rock contest , sound vocale e allo stesso tempo acustico e dirompente. Le loro muse? I Golden Shower sono una combriccola di rocker toscani proveniente da Montecatini che ama definire il proprio genere "Wet Garage": un selvaggio e infernale r'n'r che rimanda alle scorribande di Cramps e Sonics, chitarre stridenti in perfetto disaccordo con una voce sguaiata quanto basta.

Ci sono musicisti a cui un gruppo solo Dopo il live ancora garage, surf, psychobilly, new wave e affini insieme a A. Siamo nel meandri dello psych-pop-rock ma i nostri sono di ampie vedute. E qualche assaggio potremo ascoltarlo proprio al Tender. Jonas David, giovane e promettente folksinger tedesco: voce calda e romantica accompagnata dalla chitarra acustica, ideale colonna sonora per scaldare gli animi in queste serate invernali. Sul palco mette in scena il suo sogno cinematografico rivivendo i sentimenti provati durante la stesura dei brani.

Un viaggio che trascina sulla riva della nostra mente, canzoni indelebili e senza tempo. Senza mete. Le strade del garage rock incrociano via Alamanni. Al groove della tradizione funky uniscono elementi elettronici, synth aggressivi, fiati taglienti e testi degni del patrimonio cantautorale. Sono storie che raccontano di amori che stendono sul pavimento, dove i sentimenti che fanno troppo male escono dal corpo ed entrano in un freezer da scongelare.

Le metafore con parole simili a numeri perfetti, incastonate sempre in una radice melodica costante. Dentro troverete limoni volanti e cambiamenti struggenti, viaggi interstellari e giovinezze perdute. Un cantautore di razza, immaginifico e viscerale. Insomma, da vedere. Hawaiana di base a Los Angeles, Simone White si muove tra territori folk, movenze trip hop, deviazioni glitch e arrangiamenti stilosi. Due suoi brani recenti hanno fatto il giro del mondo, come colonne sonore di notissimi spot.

Per poi fondere il tutto in incandescenti colate di punk, stoner, psycobilly, indie e noise. I live adrenalinici sono il marchio di fabbrica della band: potenti, ironici sfrenati. Benvenuti, ragazzi! Gli strumenti principali che suona sono: pianoforte, organo Hammond e tastiere. Al timone dei Vip, quando la scena musicale cocktail-lounge tricolore faceva scuola nel mondo, ha suonato dal vivo sia in Italia che all'estero. Una manciata di brani a conferma della loro indole indie-pop, con testi in italiano e influenze brit. Da provare. Rock oscuro, minaccioso, intenso e monolitico. Ma anche energico e adrenalinico.

Chiude il cerchio Fritz Orlowski dj. Passano gli anni e sei ne sono trascorsi da quando i pratesi Kill the Nice Guy si aggiudicarono il Rock Contest di Cotroradio. Due riot girl e un batterista, ascendenti grunge, noise e post-rock. Da allora centinaia di concerti, in perfetta solitudine o a fianco di Gang Of Four, Gogol Bordello e Il Teatro degli Orrori, solo per fare qualche nome.

Non hanno paura di graffiare i Kill The Nice Guy, non hanno paura del rock, quello vero, al quale si approcciano con una purezza quasi devastante. Che cattura e stritola. Il nuovo lavoro sintetizza anche il percorso intrapreso da Stefano e dai suoi musicisti. Storia immaginarie e reali. Clementi racconta innanzitutto dei volti e delle vite. Ne cerca i moventi nascosti, i segni, esplora fallimenti e successi, sempre attento a svelare le conseguenze meno scontate della dialettica tra palco e dietro le quinte, tra luci della ribalta e quotidiano.

Emidio Clementi e Corrado Nuccini si muovono da sempre nella scena indie-rock italiana. Entrambi condividono la passione per la parola scritta. Guardate bene nel guardaroba. Tirate fuori quelle belle camicie di flanella a quadri, quei jeans sapientemente sdruciti, tenete alla larga il pettine e aprite i cuori al suono ruvido di Soundgarden, Alice in Chains, Nirvana Aggiungendo una manciata di brani originali che i nostri stanno forgiando. Non solo cover, insomma. Vale la pena di andarsele a vedere, queste Furie toscane da esportazione.

Procediamo con ordine: le Furie nascono nel da una costola dei Toomuchblond. Mica male! Hanno da poco pubblicato uno split con i Wemen di Carlo Pastore, in cui si aprono a inaspettati orizzonti psichedelici. DJ, ma anche giornalista, autore, conduttore radiofonico, Enrico Lazzeri suona solo vinili originali, in perfetto stile Wigan Casino.

E poi ogni sera, musica dal vivo e altri ospiti. Per il taglio del nastro perfetta la colonna sonora dei senesi Fonzie e la Gang Band, con il loro concentrato di frat rock, brit-invasion e atmosfere sixties. Ma le ferie sono finite e tanto vale prenderlo di petto, questo Come fanno questi quattro musicisti provenienti da alcune note band fiorentine Passogigante, Street Clerks e Velvet Score devoti al verbo del punk californiano e cresciuti a suon di Nofx, Lag Wagon e Rancid.

Gruppi da cui i nostri attingono allegramente per i loro live, insieme ad altre hit del genere. E per i livornesi Flora e Fauna tutto ricomincia. Post-rock americano due nomi su tutti, Shellac e Fugazi e testi in italiano, un passato condiviso con Linea77, Sabot, DeGlaen, Ambush e Pipi Kini, e non solo sui palchi italiani.

Il loro treno ferma a Firenze, binario Tender Club.

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Girano i palchi con una maschera di maiale e cantano esilaranti disavventure nel jet set milanese. Ironici, poetici, stralunati. Non sono addormentato come cervello. Sono addormentato come persona. La critica ne parla, bene, i fan aumentano. Storia nella storia il cambio di line-up avvenuto durante la post-produzione del disco: al posto di Caterina Polidori si sono inserite Francesca Storai e Valeria Votta. Non solo nei contenuti, ma anche nella forma. Sorprenderti, coinvolgenti.

In pratica, una forza della natura. Proprio come I Ganzi. Oggi la band fiorentina continua la maturazione artistica evidenziata nelle ultime apparizioni. Che Natale sarebbe senza LAnimale? No, non quello che farete bollire in pentola mentre preparate i crostini Trattasi infatti del side-project con cui noti esponenti delle scene locali si dilettano da due lustri abbondanti.

Giusto per seminare qualche indizio. Suonati come Dio comanda. Le band, gli artisti e i personaggi in nomination naturalmente si sono esibiti la:limonaia nella scorsa stagione Benvenuti al Tender!!! Sono psichedelici, sono funk, sono rock, sono di Livorno. Funziona, visto che sono tra gli indie da esportazione della Toscana in musica. Musica strumentale, piena di tensione drammatica e dunque di cambi di ritmo e di atmosfera.

Nel nuovo album, quello degli energumeni, si fondono suoni distorti ed elementi etnici, richiami a funk, hip hop, punk e dance. La chitarra dei Massimo Volume. Serve aggiungere altro? Siamo a distanze siderali dal tran tran di forzature pop e di canzoni ruffiane. Immaginate piuttosto una fioritura di sfumature, una ricerca sonora per emozioni forti. Passato, presente e uno spicchio di futuro. Ad un dj si aggiungono una chitarra ed una voce. Questa era la formazione iniziale. Non ci sono categorie, il blogger Breakfast Jumpers li ha definiti "Elettro deliri new new wawe o new rave?

Scrittura matura e raffinata, un inno all'evasione, talento cristallino La loro musica racconta del viaggio, della nostalgia di casa, del bisogno di essere sempre in movimento, senza scopo e senza sosta. Street Clerks - Tre voci, un contrabbasso e due chitarre, vincitori del rock contest , sound vocale e allo stesso tempo acustico e dirompente. Il disco mescola psichedelia e post-punk, elettronica e dance, e ha visto in studio un duo di produttori che hanno fatto la storia della musica: Dave M. Il modello? La location? In pieno centro fiorentino, a due passi dalla Stazione Santa Maria Novella.

Festa grande con colonna sonora dei Blue Popsicle, tiratissimo quintetto fiorentino che centrifuga al meglio Strokes, Artic Monkeys e Maximo Park Morale: gli spazi ci sono, basta riappropriarsene. Da qui il nome Tender, che sottintende un ponte tra passato e presente, come quella piccola imbarcazione, il tender appunto, che si usa per collegare navi e yacht alla terra ferma. E alla loro storia di fascino e coerenza, dai piccoli club degli inizi fino alle folle oceaniche dello show di Hyde Park. Benvenuti al Tender: salite a bordo!

Tutte le sere si suona. E ancora, dicembre intensissimo insieme al duo anglo-americano Rue Royale sab 1 : miniature intime e delicate, intrise di highway blues da autostrada e della poesia delle luci che passano. Primo, per la buona musica. Terzo, garantisce Reality Bites! Vi vengono in mente cavalli al trotto e bolidi rombanti? Non siete sulla buona strada Ok ok, Nobraino potrebbe essere anche il nome di purosangue inglese? Solo alcuni dei riconoscimenti che la band romagnola hanno inanellato negli ultimi mesi, senza correre neanche un metro.

Ma occhio alle sorprese. Un aiutino? Prima o poi doveva accadere. Se uno si chiama Reality Bites va a finire che dal cilindro tira fuori un Wi:nona Festival. Insomma, ci mette del suo. Apertura dalle 19, inizio concerti alle 21, dj-set a seguire, area ristoro e prezzi ultra-pop: puro Reality Bites style!

La premiata ditta Brunori Sas al gran completo. Brani da cantare a squarciagola e ritornelli che non si levano dalla testa. Altro giro altra corsa, sabato 21 luglio, sempre alla Limonaia di Fucecchio. In primo piano gli Amor Fou di Alessandro Raina, anche loro con un disco che ancora profuma di nuovo, "Cento giorni da oggi": dream pop e schegge di rock, elettronica e echi new wave, cassa dritta e synth che spostano il baricentro del gruppo milanese, senza intaccarne il rango cantautorale.

Non solo si canta, si balla! Voce squillante e chitarra, una scrittura scabra e rugginosa, confessionale e rabbiosa. Last but not leas i Telestar, da Empoli. Que mas? Autore, cantautore, play-boy, personaggio televisivo Il mito del Califfo resiste al passare degli anni. Oltre 20 album e 1. A brevissimo si prenderanno una pausa, per pensare al futuro e magari gettare le basi del prossimo album.

Deformazioni sarcastiche inscatolate in una sghemba lirica contemporanea sono il loro marchio di fabbrica. No UK! La band, un classico quartetto rock, ha da quest'anno promosso il proprio trombettista turnista al grado di "Aspirante Nobraino". Quest'ultimo infatti, dopo diversi mesi di collaborazione, ha espresso il desiderio di entrare a far parte del gruppo il quale, approvata la richiesta ha avviato l'iter che nel giro di qualche anno dovrebbe portare il trombettista a diventare un Nobraino a tutti gli effetti.

Insomma al momento quattro di nome ma cinque di fatto, l'ennesima anomalia nella storia di questa formazione. Lorenzo Urciullo, non ama stare con le mani in mano. Dodici mesi in cui Lorenzo ha approfittato dei pochi momenti vuoti per comporre e registrare i sei brani di Colapesce, il suo primo esperimento con la lingua italiana. Le voci sono sempre volutamente eteree e non in primo piano, a voler trasmettere fin da subito il tentativo di un lavoro in italiano, ma dal respiro internazionale.

A pochi mesi dalla pubblicazione del nuovo disco, Given to the Wild, apprezzato dalla stampa musicale che conta e dal pubblico, con concerti sempre sold-out nel Regno Unito e dopo lo strepitoso show di febbraio ai Magazzini Generali di Milano, la migliore New Wave del momento torna in Italia per tre date. Registrato a San Prospero di Correggio, non lontano da dove i CCCP registrarono "Epica Etica Etnica Pathos", il disco ha il sapore di questa terra, delle sue collocazioni, degli spazi vuoti, delle linee rette, dei parallelismi voluti e involontari, tra un casolare, una latteria, una porcilaia.

Per ricostruirlo su quei palchi, continuando a vivere il sogno di gruppo musicale europeo. Ne abbiamo tutti bisogno. Periodo importante per la carriera ormai decennale degli Zen Circus. Al viper per presentare il loro nuovo disco. A due anni esatti dal pluripremiato Vol. Con Vol.

In Vol. Classe , Maria Antonietta, al secolo Letizia Cesarini, nasce a Pesaro e racconta lo schianto di avere vent'anni. Quel che serve insomma. Rude e inattesa come uno schiaffo in pieno volto, e poi improvvisamente leggera e melodiosa come la nostra bella canzone italiana. Il tutto senza filtro e con un talento descrittivo fuori dalle righe, Maria Antonietta racconta la giovinezza con un fragore generazionale che non lascia via di fuga. Nasce a Milano nel Inizia la propria carriera di cantante e autore con gli Scisma Dallo studio al palco, dal palco allo studio, gli Orange sanno sempre mantenere la loro genuina anima rock, divertirsi senza troppe stronzate.

Preparate i mocassini! Nel corso degli anni Richman impose una "maschera" di ragazzo timido e complessato che osserva i suoi contemporanei e se stesso con il piglio del giullare satirico. Il gruppo, comunque, si divise nel per rinascere come progetto acustico. Poteva mancare l'Italia? No di certo, e Suonidautore propone in esclusiva le sue date italiane a fine novembre! Succede che i due Alberto fanno musica insieme da anni, succede che Lodo dopo essersi diplomato in accademia a Udine torna a Bologna. A casa sua Alberto Cazzola ha nel frattempo allestito una piccola sala prove, chiamata il rifugio.

I tre diventano poi cinque, con altri 2 membri all'elettronica.

Centro Studi Delacato

Nuovo album in arrivo a inizio I Megafaun con il loro perfetto e sapiente mix di country, folk e rock rappresentano come pochi altri artisti statunitensi lo stile che prende il nome di Americana. Nascono come duo, adesso sono in tre e sono Diletta Casanova al basso e voce, Sirjoe Stomp alla batteria e Simone Lalli al synth e alla chitarra e si fanno chiamare The Casanovas. Ancora una chicca dalla Record Kicks.

Amato, chiacchierato, seguito, atteso. Nuovo e geniale cantautore che gioca con l'ironia dei gesti e delle parole per prenderti alla sprovvista e farti lo sgambetto ai sentimenti. Nel fonda un gruppo, i Quaxo, che poco dopo scioglie per dedicarsi alla carriera da cantautore. Nel si trasferisce a Milano e nel firma per Universal. E negli ultimi tempi, i Bud Spencer Blues Explosion hanno tenuto un numero impressionante di concerti, stabilendo un vero e proprio record per quanto riguarda la scena rock indipendente italiana.

Anche il titolo del lavoro trasmette questo senso di immediatezza e questo bisogno di esprimersi. Dobbiamo suonare, fermare le nostre idee senza pensarci troppo e dobbiamo farlo in IT italiano. Il bello di un gruppo come il nostro e che possiamo fare i dischi che ci piace fare, e poi ripartire immediatamente in tour! Spietato, senza fronzoli, usa il binomio chitarra- batteria per descrivere la vita di una cittadina di provincia, tra noia, depressione e speranza di redenzione.

There have been peasant revolts galore. The new class, industrial workers, was extremely visible. And they soon proved eminently organizable, with the first strikes occurring almost as soon as there were factory workers. By it had become quite clear that industrial workers would not become the majority, as Marx had predicted only a few decades earlier. They therefore would not overwhelm the capitalists by their sheer numbers.

Yet the most influential radical writer of the period before the First World War, the French ex-Marxist and revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel, found widespread acceptance for his thesis that the proletarians would overturn the existing order and take power by their organization and in and through the violence of the general strike. No class in history has ever risen faster than the blue-collar worker.

And no class in history has ever fallen faster. The majority in industry were then skilled workers employed in small craft shops, each containing twenty or thirty workers at most. The workers of —and even of —received no pensions, no paid vacation, no overtime pay, no extra pay for Sunday or night work, no health or old-age insurance except in Germany , no unemployment compensation except, after , in Britain ; they had no job security whatever. Fifty years later, in the s, industrial workers had become the largest single group in every developed country, and unionized industrial workers in mass-production industry which was then dominant everywhere had attained upper-middle-class income levels.

And in Japan they had come close, in the Toyota and Nissan strikes of the late forties and early fifties, to overturning the system and taking power themselves. Thirty-five years later, in , industrial workers and their unions were in retreat. They had become marginal in numbers. Whereas industrial workers who make or move things had accounted for two fifths of the American work force in the s, they accounted for less than one fifth in the early s—that is, for no more than they had accounted for in , when their meteoric rise began.

In the other developed free-market countries the decline was slower at first, but after it began to accelerate everywhere. By the year or , in every developed free market country, industrial workers will account for no more than an eighth of the work force. Union power has been declining just as fast.

Unlike domestic servants, industrial workers will not disappear—any more than agricultural producers have disappeared or will disappear. But just as the traditional small farmer has become a recipient of subsidies rather than a producer, so will the traditional industrial worker become an auxiliary employee. Examples are computer technicians, x-ray technicians, physical therapists, medical-lab technicians, pulmonary technicians, and so on, who together have made up the fastest-growing group in the U. The enormous violence of this century—the world wars, ethnic cleansings, and so on—was all violence from above rather than violence from below; and it was unconnected with the transformations of society, whether the dwindling of farmers, the disappearance of domestic servants, or the rise of the industrial worker.

Contrary to Marxist and syndicalist predictions, the rise of the industrial worker did not destabilize society. It explains why the disappearance of the farmer and the domestic servant produced no social crises. Both the flight from the land and the flight from domestic service were voluntary. Industrial jobs required no skills they did not already possess, and no additional knowledge. In fact, farmers on the whole had a good deal more skill than was required to be a machine operator in a mass-production plant—and so did many domestic servants.

To be sure, industrial work paid poorly until the First World War. But it paid better than farming or household work. Industrial workers in the United States until —and in some countries, including Japan, until the Second World War—worked long hours. But they worked shorter hours than farmers and domestic servants. The history books record the squalor of early industry, the poverty of the industrial workers, and their exploitation.

Workers did indeed live in squalor and poverty, and they were exploited. But they lived better than those on a farm or in a household, and were generally treated better. Proof of this is that infant mortality dropped immediately when farmers and domestic servants moved into industrial work. Historically, cities had never reproduced themselves. They had depended for their perpetuation on constant new recruits from the countryside. This was still true in the mid-nineteenth century. But with the spread of factory employment the city became the center of population growth. In part this was a result of new public-health measures: purification of water, collection and treatment of wastes, quarantine against epidemics, inoculation against disease.

These measures—and they were effective mostly in the city—counteracted, or at least contained, the hazards of crowding that had made the traditional city a breeding ground for pestilence. But the largest single factor in the exponential drop in infant mortality as industrialization spread was surely the improvement in living conditions brought about by the factory.

Housing and nutrition became better, and hard work and accidents came to take less of a toll. The drop in infant mortality—and with it the explosive growth in population—correlates with only one development: industrialization. For farmers and domestic servants, industrial work was an opportunity. It was, in fact, the first opportunity that social history had given them to better themselves substantially without having to emigrate.

In the developed free-market countries over the past or years every generation has been able to expect to do substantially better than the generation preceding it. The main reason has been that farmers and domestic servants could and did become industrial workers. Because industrial workers are concentrated in groups, systematic work on their productivity was possible. On this rest all the economic and social gains of the past century. Morgan, Bismarck, and Disraeli—practically all these gains have accrued to the industrial worker, half of them in the form of sharply reduced working hours with the cuts ranging from 40 percent in Japan to 50 percent in Germany , and half of them in the form of a twenty-five fold increase in the real wages of industrial workers who make or move things.

There were thus very good reasons why the rise of the industrial worker was peaceful rather than violent, let alone revolutionary. But what explains the fact that the fall of the industrial worker has been equally peaceful and almost entirely free of social protest, of upheaval, of serious dislocation, at least in the United States?

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The rise of the class succeeding industrial workers is not an opportunity for industrial workers. It is a challenge. I coined it in a book, Landmarks of Tomorrow. By the end of this century knowledge workers will make up a third or more of the work force in the United States—as large a proportion as manufacturing workers ever made up, except in wartime.

The majority of them will be paid at least as well as, or better than, manufacturing workers ever were. And the new jobs offer much greater opportunities. But—and this is a big but—the great majority of the new jobs require qualifications the industrial worker does not possess and is poorly equipped to acquire.

Archivio della Categoria '* E.Q., CULTURA EMOZIONALE e COMPETENZE EMOTIVE'

They require a good deal of formal education and the ability to acquire and to apply theoretical and analytical knowledge. They require a different approach to work and a different mind-set. Above all, they require a habit of continuous learning. Displaced industrial workers thus cannot simply move into knowledge work or services the way displaced farmers and domestic workers moved into industrial work.

At the very least they have to change their basic attitudes, values, and beliefs. In the closing decades of this century the industrial work force has shrunk faster and further in the United States than in any other developed country—while industrial production has grown faster than in any other developed country except Japan. In the fifty years since the Second World War the economic position of African-Americans in America has improved faster than that of any other group in American social history—or in the social history of any country.

But half that group rose into middle-class incomes and not into middle class jobs. Since the Second World War more and more blacks have moved into blue-collar unionized mass-production industry—that is, into jobs paying middle-class and upper-middle-class wages while requiring neither education nor skill. These are precisely the jobs, however, that are disappearing the fastest. What is amazing is not that so many blacks did not acquire an education but that so many did.

The economically rational thing for a young black in postwar America was not to stay in school and learn; it was to leave school as early as possible and get one of the plentiful mass-production jobs. It has blunted what was the most potent role model in the black community in America: the well-paid industrial worker with job security, health insurance, and a guaranteed retirement pension—yet possessing neither skill nor much education. But, of course, blacks are a minority of the population and work force in the United States.

For the overwhelming majority—whites, but also Latinos and Asians—the fall of the industrial worker has caused amazingly little disruption and nothing that could be called an upheaval. Even in communities that were once totally dependent on mass-production plants that have gone out of business or have drastically slashed employment steel cities in western Pennsylvania and eastern Ohio, for instance, or automobile cities like Detroit and Flint, Michigan , unemployment rates for nonblack adults fell within a few short years to levels barely higher than the U.

The only explanation is that for the nonblack blue-collar community the development came as no surprise, however unwelcome, painful, and threatening it may have been to individual workers and their families. In the United States the shift had by or so largely been accomplished. But so far it has occurred only in the United States.

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In the other developed free-market countries, in western and northern Europe and in Japan, it is just beginning in the s. It is, however, certain to proceed rapidly in these countries from now on, perhaps faster than it originally did in the United States. The fall of the industrial worker in the developed free-market countries will also have a major impact outside the developed world.

Developing countries can no longer expect to base their development on their comparative labor advantage—that is, on cheap industrial labor. But this is not true. There was something to the belief thirty years ago. But this technique has not worked at all since or In the s only an insignificant percentage of manufactured goods imported into the United States are produced abroad because of low labor costs.

While total imports in accounted for about 12 percent of the U. Practically none of the decline in American manufacturing employment from some 30 or 35 percent of the work force to 15 or 18 percent can therefore be attributed to moving work to low-wage countries. The main competition for American manufacturing industry—for instance, in automobiles, in steel, and in machine tools—has come from countries such as Japan and Germany, where wage costs have long been equal to, if not higher than, those in the United States.

This means, however, that developing countries can no longer expect to base their development on low wages. But for the developed countries, too, the shift to knowledge-based work poses enormous social challenges. Despite the factory, industrial society was still essentially a traditional society in its basic social relationships of production. But the emerging society, the one based on knowledge and knowledge workers, is not. It is the first society in which ordinary people—and that means most people—do not earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow.

It is also the first society in which not everybody does the same work, as was the case when the huge majority were farmers or, as seemed likely only forty or thirty years ago, were going to be machine operators. This is far more than a social change. It is a change in the human condition. What it means—what are the values, the commitments, the problems, of the new society—we do not know.

Knowledge workers will not be the majority in the knowledge society, but in many if not most developed societies they will be the largest single population and work-force group. And even where outnumbered by other groups, knowledge workers will give the emerging knowledge society its character, its leadership, its social profile. They may not be the ruling class of the knowledge society, but they are already its leading class. And in their characteristics, social position, values, and expectations, they differ fundamentally from any group in history that has ever occupied the leading position.

In the first place, knowledge workers gain access to jobs and social position through formal education. An extreme example is neurosurgery. An absence of manual skill disqualifies one for work as a neurosurgeon. But manual skill alone, no matter how advanced, will never enable anyone to be a neurosurgeon. The education that is required for neurosurgery and other kinds of knowledge work can be acquired only through formal schooling. It cannot be acquired through apprenticeship. Knowledge work varies tremendously in the amount and kind of formal knowledge required.

Some jobs have fairly low requirements, and others require the kind of knowledge the neurosurgeon possesses. But even if the knowledge itself is quite primitive, only formal education can provide it. Education will become the center of the knowledge society, and the school its key institution. What knowledge must everybody have? These will of necessity become central concerns of the knowledge society, and central political issues. In fact, the acquisition and distribution of formal knowledge may come to occupy the place in the politics of the knowledge society which the acquisition and distribution of property and income have occupied in our politics over the two or three centuries that we have come to call the Age of Capitalism.

In the knowledge society, clearly, more and more knowledge, and especially advanced knowledge, will be acquired well past the age of formal schooling and increasingly, perhaps, through educational processes that do not center on the traditional school. We can also predict with confidence that we will redefine what it means to be an educated person. Traditionally, and especially during the past years perhaps since or so, at least in the West, and since about that time in Japan as well , an educated person was somebody who had a prescribed stock of formal knowledge.

The Germans called this knowledge allgemeine Bildung, and the English and, following them, the nineteenth century Americans called it the liberal arts. Increasingly, an educated person will be somebody who has learned how to learn, and who continues learning, especially by formal education, throughout his or her lifetime. There are obvious dangers to this. For instance, society could easily degenerate into emphasizing formal degrees rather than performance capacity.

It could fall prey to sterile Confucian mandarins—a danger to which the American university is singularly susceptible. A society in which knowledge workers dominate is under threat from a new class conflict: between the large minority of knowledge workers and the majority of people, who will make their living traditionally, either by manual work, whether skilled or unskilled, or by work in services, whether skilled or unskilled. The productivity of knowledge work—still abysmally low—will become the economic challenge of the knowledge society.

On it will depend the competitive position of every single country, every single industry, every single institution within society. The productivity of the nonknowledge, services worker will become the social challenge of the knowledge society. On it will depend the ability of the knowledge society to give decent incomes, and with them dignity and status, to non-knowledge workers. No society in history has faced these challenges. But equally new are the opportunities of the knowledge society. In the knowledge society, for the first time in history, the possibility of leadership will be open to all.

Also, the possibility of acquiring knowledge will no longer depend on obtaining a prescribed education at a given age. Learning will become the tool of the individual—available to him or her at any age—if only because so much skill and knowledge can be acquired by means of the new learning technologies. Another implication is that how well an individual, an organization, an industry, a country, does in acquiring and applying knowledge will become the key competitive factor.

The knowledge society will inevitably become far more competitive than any society we have yet known—for the simple reason that with knowledge being universally accessible, there will be no excuses for nonperformance. There will only be ignorant countries. And the same will be true for companies, industries, and organizations of all kinds. It will be true for individuals, too.

In fact, developed societies have already become infinitely more competitive for individuals than were the societies of the beginning of this century, let alone earlier ones. I have been speaking of knowledge. In the knowledge society knowledge for the most part exists only in application. Nothing the x-ray technician needs to know can be applied to market research, for instance, or to teaching medieval history.

The central work force in the knowledge society will therefore consist of highly specialized people. This, too, is new. Historically, workers were generalists. This was also true of industrial workers. But knowledge workers, whether their knowledge is primitive or advanced, whether there is a little of it or a great deal, will by definition be specialized.

Applied knowledge is effective only when it is specialized. Indeed, the more highly specialized, the more effective it is. This goes for technicians who service computers, x-ray machines, or the engines of fighter planes. But it applies equally to work that requires the most advanced knowledge, whether research in genetics or research in astrophysics or putting on the first performance of a new opera. Again, the shift from knowledge to knowledges offers tremendous opportunities to the individual. It makes possible a career as a knowledge worker.

But it also presents a great many new problems and challenges. It demands for the first time in history that people with knowledge take responsibility for making themselves understood by people who do not have the same knowledge base. That knowledge in the knowledge society has to be highly specialized to be productive implies two new requirements: that knowledge workers work in teams, and that if knowledge workers are not employees, they must at least be affiliated with an organization. Actually people have always worked in teams; very few people ever could work effectively by themselves.

The farmer had to have a wife, and the farm wife had to have a husband. The two worked as a team. And both worked as a team with their employees, the hired hands. The craftsman also had to have a wife, with whom he worked as a team—he took care of the craft work, and she took care of the customers, the apprentices, and the business altogether.

And both worked as a team with journeymen and apprentices. Much discussion today assumes that there is only one kind of team. Actually there are quite a few. But until now the emphasis has been on the individual worker and not on the team. With knowledge work growing increasingly effective as it is increasingly specialized, teams become the work unit rather than the individual himself.

It is actually the most difficult kind of team both to assemble and to make work effectively, and the kind that requires the longest time to gain performance capacity. We will have to learn to use different kinds of teams for different purposes. We will have to learn to understand teams—and this is something to which, so far, very little attention has been paid.

The understanding of teams, the performance capacities of different kinds of teams, their strengths and limitations, and the trade-offs between various kinds of teams will thus become central concerns in the management of people. Equally important is the second implication of the fact that knowledge workers are of necessity specialists: the need for them to work as members of an organization.

Only the organization can provide the basic continuity that knowledge workers need in order to be effective. Only the organization can convert the specialized knowledge of the knowledge worker into performance. By itself, specialized knowledge does not yield performance. As a loner in his or her research and writing, the historian can be very effective.

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But to educate students, a great many other specialists have to contribute—people whose specialty may be literature, or mathematics, or other areas of history. And this requires that the specialist have access to an organization. This access may be as a consultant, or it may be as a provider of specialized services. But for the majority of knowledge workers it will be as employees, full-time or part-time, of an organization, such as a government agency, a hospital, a university, a business, or a labor union. In the knowledge society it is not the individual who performs.

The individual is a cost center rather than a performance center. It is the organization that performs. Individually, knowledge workers are dependent on the job.

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They receive a wage or salary. They have been hired and can be fired.


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Legally each is an employee. But collectively they are the capitalists; increasingly, through their pension funds and other savings, the employees own the means of production. And most social theory of industrial society is based, one way or another, on the relationship between the two, whether in conflict or in necessary and beneficial cooperation and balance. In the knowledge society the two merge.

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But it is also increasingly the main source of capital for the knowledge society. Perhaps more important, in the knowledge society the employees—that is, knowledge workers—own the tools of production. The capitalist had to own the steam engine and to control it. Increasingly, the true investment in the knowledge society is not in machines and tools but in the knowledge of the knowledge worker. Without that knowledge the machines, no matter how advanced and sophisticated, are unproductive. The market researcher needs a computer.

The surgeon needs the operating room of the hospital and all its expensive capital equipment. This is true whether the knowledge worker commands advanced knowledge, like a surgeon, or simple and fairly elementary knowledge, like a junior accountant. In either case it is the knowledge investment that determines whether the employee is productive or not, more than the tools, machines, and capital furnished by an organization.

In the knowledge society the most probable assumption for organizations—and certainly the assumption on which they have to conduct their affairs—is that they need knowledge workers far more than knowledge workers need them. There is no higher or lower knowledge. And if an executive is posted to a foreign country, the knowledge he or she needs, and in a hurry, is fluency in a foreign language—something every native of that country has mastered by age three, without any great investment.

The knowledge of the knowledge society, precisely because it is knowledge only when applied in action, derives its rank and standing from the situation. Knowledges were always seen as fixed stars, so to speak, each occupying its own position in the universe of knowledge. In the knowledge society knowledges are tools, and as such are dependent for their importance and position on the task to be performed. One additional conclusion: Because the knowledge society perforce has to be a society of organizations, its central and distinctive organ is management.

But we have learned in this past half century that management is the distinctive organ of all organizations. All of them require management, whether they use the term or not. All managers do the same things, whatever the purpose of their organization. All of them have to bring people—each possessing different knowledge- together for joint performance. All of them have to make human strengths productive in performance and human weaknesses irrelevant. All of them have to think through what results are wanted in the organization—and have then to define objectives.

All of them are responsible for thinking through what I call the theory of the business—that is, the assumptions on which the organization bases its performance and actions, and the assumptions that the organization has made in deciding what not to do. All of them must think through strategies—that is, the means through which the goals of the organization become performance.

All of them have to define the values of the organization, its system of rewards and punishments, its spirit and its culture. In all organizations managers need both the knowledge of management as work and discipline and the knowledge and understanding of the organization itself—its purposes, its values, its environment and markets, its core competencies. Management as a practice is very old. The most successful executive in all history was surely that Egyptian who, 4, years or more ago, first conceived the pyramid, without any precedent, designed it, and built it, and did so in an astonishingly short time.

That first pyramid still stands. But as a discipline management is barely fifty years old. It was first dimly perceived around the time of the First World War. Since then it has been the fastest-growing new function, and the study of it the fastest-growing new discipline. No function in history has emerged as quickly as has management in the past fifty or sixty years, and surely none has had such worldwide sweep in such a short period.


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Management is still taught in most business schools as a bundle of techniques, such as budgeting and personnel relations. To be sure, management, like any other work, has its own tools and its own techniques. But just as the essence of medicine is not urinalysis important though that is , the essence of management is not techniques and procedures.

The essence of management is to make knowledges productive. Management, in other words, is a social function. And in its practice management is truly a liberal art. The old communities—family, village, parish, and so on—have all but disappeared in the knowledge society. Their place has largely been taken by the new unit of social integration, the organization. Where community was fate, organization is voluntary membership.

But who, then, does the community tasks? Two hundred years ago whatever social tasks were being done were done in all societies by a local community. Very few if any of these tasks are being done by the old communities anymore. Nor would they be capable of doing them, considering that they no longer have control of their members or even a firm hold over them. People no longer stay where they were born, either in terms of geography or in terms of social position and status. By definition, a knowledge society is a society of mobility. And all the social functions of the old communities, whether performed well or poorly and most were performed very poorly indeed , presupposed that the individual and the family would stay put.

People no longer have roots. People no longer have a neighborhood that controls what their home is like, what they do, and, indeed, what their problems are allowed to be. The knowledge society is a society in which many more people than ever before can be successful. But it is therefore, by definition, also a society in which many more people than ever before can fail, or at least come in second. And if only because the application of knowledge to work has made developed societies so much richer than any earlier society could even dream of becoming, the failures, whether poor people or alcoholics, battered women or juvenile delinquents, are seen as failures of society.

Who, then, takes care of the social tasks in the knowledge society? We cannot ignore them. But the traditional community is incapable of tackling them. Two answers have emerged in the past century or so—a majority answer and a dissenting opinion. Both have proved to be wrong. The answer: the problems of the social sector can, should, and must be solved by government. This is still probably the answer that most people accept, especially in the developed countries of the West—even though most people probably no longer fully believe it. But it has been totally disproved. Modern government, especially since the Second World War, has everywhere become a huge welfare bureaucracy.

And the bulk of the budget in every developed country today is devoted to Entitlements—to payments for all kinds of social services. Yet in every developed country society is becoming sicker rather than healthier, and social problems are multiplying. Government has a big role to play in social tasks—the role of policymaker, of standard setter, and, to a substantial extent, of paymaster. But as the agency to run social services, it has proved almost totally incompetent. I argued then that the new organization—and fifty years ago that meant the large business enterprise—would have to be the community in which the individual would find status and function, with the workplace community becoming the one in and through which social tasks would be organized.

In Japan though quite independently and without any debt to me the large employer—government agency or business—has indeed increasingly attempted to serve as a community for its employees. Lifetime employment is only one affirmation of this. This, however, has not worked either. There is need, especially in the West, to bring the employee increasingly into the government of the workplace community. What is now called empowerment is very similar to the things I talked about fifty years ago. But it does not create a community. Nor does it create the structure through which the social tasks of the knowledge society can be tackled.

In fact, practically all these tasks—whether education or health care; the anomies and diseases of a developed and, especially, a rich society, such as alcohol and drug abuse; or the problems of incompetence and irresponsibility such as those of the underclass in the American city—lie outside the employing institution. The right answer to the question Who takes care of the social challenges of the knowledge society?

The answer is a separate and new social sector. In the United States, with its tradition of independent and competitive churches, such a sector has always existed. Even now churches are the largest single part of the social sector in the United States, receiving almost half the money given to charitable institutions, and about a third of the time volunteered by individuals. But the nonchurch part of the social sector has been the growth sector in the United States.

In the early s about a million organizations were registered in the United States as nonprofit or charitable organizations doing social-sector work. The overwhelming majority of these, some 70 percent, have come into existence in the past thirty years. And most are community services concerned with life on this earth rather than with the Kingdom of Heaven. Quite a few of the new organizations are, of course, religious in their orientation, but for the most part these are not churches.

Even within the church segment of the social sector the organizations that have shown the capacity to grow are radically new. It means nothing except that under American law these organizations do not pay taxes. Whether they are organized as nonprofit or not is actually irrelevant to their function and behavior. What matters is not the legal basis but that the social-sector institutions have a particular kind of purpose.

Government demands compliance; it makes rules and enforces them. Business expects to be paid; it supplies. Social-sector institutions aim at changing the human being. The task of social-sector organizations is to create human health and well being. Increasingly these organizations of the social sector serve a second and equally important purpose.

They create citizenship. Modern society and modern polity have become so big and complex that citizenship—that is, responsible participation—is no longer possible. All we can do as citizens is to vote once every few years and to pay taxes all the time. As a volunteer in a social-sector institution, the individual can again make a difference. In the United States, where there is a long volunteer tradition because of the old independence of the churches, almost every other adult in the s is working at least three—and often five—hours a week as a volunteer in a social-sector organization.

Britain is the only other country with something like this tradition, although it exists there to a much lesser extent in part because the British welfare state is far more embracing, but in much larger part because it has an established church—paid for by the state and run as a civil service.

Outside the English-speaking countries there is not much of a volunteer tradition. In fact, the modern state in Europe and Japan has been openly hostile to anything that smacks of volunteerism—most so in France and Japan. It is ancien regime and suspected of being fundamentally subversive. But even in these countries things are changing, because the knowledge society needs the social sector, and the social sector needs the volunteer. But knowledge workers also need a sphere in which they can act as citizens and create a community. The workplace does not give it to them.

In American education over the next twenty years there will be more and more government-paid vouchers that will enable parents to put their children into a variety of different schools, some public and tax supported, some private and largely dependent on the income from the vouchers. These social-sector organizations, although partners with government, also clearly compete with government. The relationship between the two has yet to be worked out—and there is practically no precedent for it.

What constitutes performance for social-sector organizations, and especially for those that, being nonprofit and charitable, do not have the discipline of a financial bottom line, has also yet to be worked out. We know that social-sector organizations need management. But what precisely management means for the social-sector organization is just beginning to be studied. E come segno A ni sulla piattaforma Rousseau. Altri Gilet Gialli sono arrivati, Finkielkraut si P. Era si chiama Cristiano Ronaldo.

Ma tace sulle agromafie pagine2,3,4 fortuna. Millecinquecento sarebbe- ro i decessi sul lavoro nelle campagne, in sei anni. Braccianti italiani e mi- granti si schiantano dieci ore al giorno per pochi eu- ro nella raccolta di pomo- dori e agrumi, vittime del caporalato e di mafie loca- li e industriali: il settore agricolo, al nord e al sud, campa su un trattamento che secoli fa era riservato solo agli schiavi. E nelle strade sale la tensione. Danilo Toninelli in seguito alla lo- Gli spettacoli Monaco P. Inutile dire che Renzi si propone di essere sia a capo del Movimento fondato da Calenda sia soprattutto del partito.

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Il mare di migranti. La Procu- ni dei tre esponenti del governo. E sette a sostare gli incendi distruttivi dal I nostri agrumi, italiana quelli per la nostra tavola. Aveva montagna e insegnamento.



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