In , this group of parents decided to ask for government authorisation to found an association. As soon as they did it, they were placed under suspicion. Ley para todos.
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Asociacionismo y sociabilidad durante la dictadura franquista". In: Ortiz Heras, Manuel coord. Cultura asociativa en el franquismo", Alcores , 6, pp. As Ernesto Puerto the first president of the association related in the interview he gave in the mids, the parents of Valencia suffered a government inquiry.
Their proposal had to be revised and accepted both by the General Authorities for health, education and public order and by the Church. Moreover, the police visited their houses during the night demanding to know their political background and they were also obliged to appear before a judge to explain their intentions. They needed two years to get a final approval.
One year later, activists from Valencia made contact with other parents who had established a second group in San Sebastian. On their return, ASPRONA representatives sent an open letter to several national and local newspapers to get their association known and to encourage other parents of intellectually disabled children to follow suit.
Their call was successful. By , there were more than 15 associations dotted around the country. Just one year after the conference, in , the Spanish Federation of Associations for Subnormal Children known as FEAPS  was created, gathering together 20 associations and members.
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In: Townson, Nigel ed. The highest number of associations was along the east coast —Valencia 4 , Alicante 4 , and especially Barcelona 13 —, and only one province Guadalajara had none at all. In creating the associations, Spanish parents wanted —like parents abroad— to provide both a source of mutual aid and comfort and a basis for direct action to obtain better education and opportunities for their children.
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They wanted to identify the problems both they and their children had to face and to get the State to provide real solutions. From a practical point of view, their main goals were to promote the training of specialised staff and to encourage the setting up of care and rehabilitation centres, schools, professional training centres and sheltered workshops. They wanted to transform families, mobilising them and eradicating attitudes of shame and fear via pro-active guidance. Moreover, they hoped to change the social image of their children and themselves, doing away with the attitudes of rejection and compassion found in society; destroying the idea of un-recoverability which was particularly associated with the more severe cases ; and wiping out the unfair relationship between recovery and economic return that both the State and the society expected to obtain.
Although the potential productivity of their children was one of the main reasons used, at that moment, to justify access to services and rights, parents wanted to ensure that every child, regardless of his or her productivity or level of adjustment, received services. Once their banner had been selected, the associations fought to keep it and to avoid any confusion caused by the misuse that some professionals, the media and, above all, the government made of the term.
In order to achieve their aims, the associations undertook a wide range of activities. However, the lack of a rapid and resolute response by the authorities obliged the associations, sooner or later, to become suppliers of direct services. By the end of the dictatorship, they had set up care centres for severely intellectually disabled people, school centres, professional training centres, sheltered workshops, leisure clubs and summer camps.
The fact that the organisations finally had to take on this role directly benefitted the people who they wanted to protect but, at the same time, it also had a negative effect because it slowed down the actions carried out by the State. Other actions by these groups of parents were aimed at establishing a dialogue with the local and national authorities and to take part, via the National Federation, in organisations, boards and public commissions involved in protecting, caring for and educating intellectually disabled people.
Moreover, they collaborated in the organisation of new national conferences on intellectual disability,  and they attended the international conferences organised by the International League of Societies for the Mentally Handicapped to which FEAPS had belonged since its creation and by the International Catholic Child Bureau Jordana de Pozas, Jordana de Pozas, Jorge , "Ayer y hoy de las asociaciones", Siglo Cero , 95, pp.
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Furthermore, they undertook the task of training and informing the families, organising courses, providing them with information about centres and grants, and helping them apply for subsidies, allowances and other state benefits. They also provided information on the work of the associations via summaries and bulletins. Finally, they supplied information on how to understand and manage intellectual disability to parents and professionals by having speakers who had expert knowledge in some relevant area and through printed material that included newsletters, brochures and monthly journals.
Lastly, the associations carried out the important job of spreading propaganda. They ran campaigns aimed at raising awareness of the problem and fund-raising. This campaign started on a local or provincial scale, but which by had become national, with the FEAPS coordinating the different actions.
During the aforementioned day, the associations raised funds and gained publicity via posters, leaflets, advertisements and stands in the street Figura 1. Figura 1. Following an idea used by associations for the disabled abroad, the Spanish groups chose the image of an innocent child to bring the whole problem into the public eye. They also chose a positive message that focused on what this child was able to do instead of what he could not do.
By portraying disabled people as children, Spanish parents attempted, in the same way that foreign parents were doing Carey, Carey, Allison C. In , the leaflet Voces explained the image chosen for the campaign Figura 2 in this way:. A white page, a notebook and a life ahead of him that could be beautiful. Our friend, as many others, has only just started out. He needs help for the long journey; special education, the learning of a trade, the finding of a job, perhaps guardianship and a home for when his parents are no longer with him.
Figura 2. The focus began to change at the end of the dictatorship. Figura 3. Despite their work, the associations came up against fierce criticism and many problems right from the start. The Pro Subnormal Associations are today fighting bloodless battles against society, against the government, against the affected parents themselves and against their members.
From its creation, groups faced difficulties to find experienced leaders, able to represent the associations and to fight for the general interest. In addition, they could not convince families to get involved in their adventure. Besides these problems, the associations had to face, as we said earlier, much criticism. They were accused of being elitist, with a lack of dialogue between the management and members, and of being made up of middle to upper class families and of marginalising the neediest families.
This is something that some actors of the family movement fiercely denied, citing the restricted economic criteria required to get public grants and subsidies and the large number of members receiving this aid it was a way to prove that there were a lot of needy families in the associations. However, the truth is that most of the founders and of those holding the managerial positions came from well-off families, they had university qualifications some were lawyers, doctors or teachers and in some cases, they were well-connected with the local authorities.
Finally, they were accused of not being very effective and for achieving little. The associations depended on membership fees and on donations made by private institutions such as building societies or by citizens through charity events organised to raise funds. There were huge inequalities in protection depending on the age and level of intellectual disability of each person the best being for children between 6 and 14 years with a moderate level of intellectual disability.
They acknowledged that it was necessary to make membership more attractive, offering support services to the worst-affected families. It was also essential to put the management of the associations into the hands of full-time, qualified teams, and to incorporate new, young people interested citizens or siblings of those with intellectual disability for executive and management tasks. They had to reassess the role that their intellectually disabled children had to play in the associations. The politicisation of the problems concerning intellectually disabled people generated suspicion amongst the associations themselves.
They had became consultants or even had incorporated representatives from the public administration onto their boards. Furthermore, the public subsidies they received made them feel that they were indebted to the Francoist government, although aids were scarce and poorly funded. The questioning of the State agencies is so mild, it can hardly be heard. But, what kind of pressure and against whom?
They place more pressure on the man in the street than on the public authorities. With any officials from the administration, the only pressure is a handshake. However narrow the institutional and legal framework might be in which this critical function might be exercised today, the truth is that it allows some movements which we have never even attempted. Some movements of criticism and complaint that are possible even from within the supposed policies set down here and now by the executive power. The moment had arrived for the associations to take up positions regarding relevant questions such as economic inequality, working conditions and even citizen participation.
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