Ardor guerrero (Biblioteca Antonio Muñoz Molina) (Spanish Edition)

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In he served as the director of the Instituto Cervantes of New York. He studied art history at the University of Granada and journalism in Madrid. His first novel, Beatus ille, appeared in He is married to Spanish author and journalist, Elvira Lindo. English translation: A Manuscript of Ashes. Orlando : Harcourt, c, El invierno en Lisboa, English translation: Winter in Lisbon. London : Granta, , Las otras vidas, , Beltenebros, English translation: Prince of Shadows. English translation: In her absence. New York : Other Press, c, Sefarad, English translation: Sepharad. He will look at the purpose, development and services provided by the institution in the culture.

Biography Mr. He is currently pursuing a doctorate in canon law and liturgical studies at Ignatius University. Otherwise, I would have been forced to subscribe solely to my own experience. On the other hand, who can remember a conversation they had thirty-five years ago? It is fiction pretending to be a personal confession. Booklist, October 1, , review of El jinete polaco, p. Kirkus Reviews, October 1, , review of Sepharad, p.

Publishers Weekly, December 1, , review of Sepharad, p. Romance Quarterly, spring, , David K. World Literature Today, winter, , William R. Risley, review of El invierno en Lisboa, p. Risley, review of Beltenebros, p. Bellver, review of Plenilunio, p. Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography.

June 28, Retrieved June 28, from Encyclopedia. Then, copy and paste the text into your bibliography or works cited list. Because each style has its own formatting nuances that evolve over time and not all information is available for every reference entry or article, Encyclopedia. For each folder, they must collect a group of magazine pictures. Each group of pictures should depict a variety of articles of clothing of different styles. Teachers staple these pictures to the inside front cover of the file folder. On the inside of the back cover of the file folder, they staple a copy of the task sheet.

Students take turns creating responses. As a follow-up activity, classroom teachers can make transparencies of newspaper advertisements featuring clothing. These transparencies serve as vehicles for involving the whole class in critiquing new fashions. In this manner, students practice the different grammatical structures used to make comparisons collaboratively in a nonthreatening manner. The instructor is free to work with individuals or small groups that need extra help and to challenge students that have mastered the structures.

After assembling the students in groups of four or five, the teacher provides each group with a letter-size envelope containing a set of pictures and an index card with a list of four categories. The object of this collaborative small group task is to be the first group to obtain one picture of each of the four categories on the index card. Four sample categories might include: objetos para la clase, objetos de valor, cosas para los viajes, and pasatiempos y diversiones. The following is an example of the types of classroom exchanges generated between groups with this task:.

Students work in small groups to find the hidden objects. When students find an object, they must state what object they have found and tell where it is located. A sample exchange among group members follows:. Tasks that are games create interest and motivate students to interact cooperatively as a team. Classroom exchanges become conversational in nature. Structuring classroom activities so that students work in small groups on collaborative tasks represents one way to put conversation back into classroom practice. These types of tasks simulate the circumstances found in most language learning outside of the classroom.

In natural language learning scenarios, the topics deal with objects and actions that are being observed at the time the exchange occurs. Learner initiations predominate. Learners focus on presenting meanings that can be linked to express ideas. The native speaker provides a guide to syntactic constructions, and the discourse centers on interactions that facilitate communication and social bonding. In this way, communicative interactions facilitate the development of proficiency in the elementary Spanish class. Handford, Martin. Where's Waldo? Boston: Little Brown, Highlights for Children.

Columbus: Edpress. Prepared by John Lipski. Middle Tennessee State University. Abstract : A psycholinguistic experiment aids in determining if the phonological generalizations which appear in the literature on Spanish phonology are psychologically significant for Spanish speakers. The experiment focuses on whether common phonological alternations play a role in native speakers' perceptions of whether two words share a morpheme. The results indicate that they are a significant factor in speakers' perceptions of morphemic relatedness.

Therefore, these findings provide some evidence that these phonological generalizations are psychologically valid, and not merely descriptive in nature. Key Words : psychological reality, experimental approach, psycholinguistics, phonology, Spanish language, allomorphy. Much contemporary phonological research has as its goal to discover and formalize salient phonological and phonetic patterns. Furthermore, the claim is often made that these patterns do not merely exist in a corpus of language data, but that they are relevant to speakers' cognitive capacities.

Of course, not all patterns are considered significant. Certain alternations are considered significant because of their frequency in the language, or because they are easily incorporated into a formal representation of the phonological system of the language. Uncommon alternations, or alternations which are difficult to formalize are relegated to the domain of suppletion. It is the hypothetical dichotomy between common and suppletive alternations which lends itself to experimentation. If language speakers are found to treat alternations which are considered significant by linguists, differently than they do suppletive alternations, that would constitute evidence that the patterns which linguists account for are psychologically significant.

Contemporary phonological analyses have had success in discovering structures, patterns, and generalizations which are to be found in language data. Because these data have been produced by language speakers, they are available to the speakers to be potentially known, internalized, or captured, However, their mere existence is not proof that speakers have knowledge of them, or utilize them in language production, storage or comprehension. It only demonstrates that those structures and patterns are available to be potentially known or used.

In order to determine what is actually known or utilized by the speakers, the focus of the research must turn away from the raw data and back towards the speakers themselves. Central to this goal of speaker-oriented research, is an experiment designed to determine whether linguistically naive Spanish speakers treat the alternations which have received attention in the literature, differently than they do suppletive alternations. It is carried out in the spirit of Wheeler's vision of psychological phonology.

According to Wheeler , 71 ,. The experiment is an extension of an experiment by Ohala and Ohala Ohala and Ohala's Experiment. Ohala and Ohala's experiment involved measuring the degree to which the test subjects perceived pairs of words to have a morpheme in common, or in other words, the degree to which the words are perceived as derivationally related. The use of derivational relatedness in experiments on phonological generalizations is not unmotivated. The rules which underlie phonological alternations are designed to account for the different allomorphs of a single morpheme.

Therefore, a logical way of testing their significance, is to determine their role in what words speakers perceive as having a morpheme in common. A common assumption is that in order for two words to contain the same morpheme, they must be perceived as being both semantically and phonetically similar.

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The question Ohala and Ohala ask is whether there is a third factor which plays a part in determining morphemic relatedness -the frequency of a phonological alternation in the language. That is, are words which have frequently occurring, well-attested, phonological alternations perceived as being related more often than words which have infrequent alternations? Because of its frequency, this alternation is considered significant. Therefore, it is suppletive. If the frequency of an alternation is a factor which speakers use to determine derivational relatedness, then a case can be made that the generalizations which underlie these alternations have psychological significance for those speakers as well.

Ohala and Ohala tested this hypothesis by means of a questionnaire. It consisted of pairs of words. Alternations of this type will be called regular alternations. These alternations will be referred to as isolate alternations. The purpose was to determine if word-pairs with regular phonological alternations would be perceived to have a morpheme in common more often than word-pairs with isolate alternations.

The subjects judged each word-pair on a five point scale. They first judged each word-pair for derivational relatedness. Later each pair was judged for semantic similarity. Ohala and Ohala found that the frequency factor regular versus isolate alternations did not affect the subjects' judgements of whether the words in the pair shared a morpheme. In other words, a word-pair containing a regular alternation was not judged to share a morpheme to a greater extent than a pair with an isolate alternation.

Of course, the subjects ratings of semantic similarity allowed the different pairs to be judged at the same level of semantic similarity. Ohala and Ohala conclude that,. The importance of Ohala and Ohala's study is that in it, they develop a methodological tool which can be utilized to determine the psychological status of phonological generalizations. However, their results are somewhat suspect because the statistical assumptions which they used to arrive at their conclusions are unclear. Ohala and Ohala calculated three different correlations and compared them.

They calculated the correlation between the semantic and derivational relatedness scores of the isolate word-pairs, of the regular word-pairs, and then of the combination of isolate and regular word-pairs together. They found that the amount of variance accounted for by the regular pairs, as well as by the isolate pairs, does not differ substantially from the amount of variance accounted [] for by the combination of all the word-pairs taken together.

They do not specify exactly what analysis they used to determine that there was no substantial difference between the amounts of variance accounted for. The question which the experiment attempts to determine is whether the isolate and regular groups of word-pairs are significantly different from each other.

That is, whether one group rated significantly higher on the scale of derivational relatedness than the other. However, instead of comparing the two groups to each other, Ohala and Ohala compared the two groups to a third group. The third group was comprised of all the word-pairs, both regular and isolate.

The real question is whether the means of the isolate and regular groups differ significantly from each other, not whether they differ from the mean which results when the two groups are combined. Correlational analyses determine the extent to which two factors are related.

In this case, a correlational analysis can determine whether there is a relationship between the subjects' derivational relatedness scores and their semantic relatedness scores. However, the objective of the experiment is to discover whether word-pairs with regular alternations are rated higher on the scale of derivational relatedness than word-pairs with isolate alternations.

The objective is not to calculate if there is a higher correlation between derivational and semantic relatedness for one group than there is for the other. Unlike a correlational analysis, an analysis of variance ANOVA allows one to decide if the means of two or more groups are different enough that they can be considered separate groups.

It can also determine if the means of the groups are merely different samplings of the same population, and are therefore, not significantly different. The experiment described below utilizes Ohala and Ohala's methodology, but the interpretation of the results is calculated by means of an ANOVA. The purpose of the experiment is to determine if naive Spanish speakers have any knowledge of the phonological generalizations in their language. Phonologists have used the frequency of phonological patterns in order to determine what patterns are significant.

However, this does not mean that these patterns are significant for linguistically naive speakers. For example, Skousen , speculates that,. In order to discover what role generalizations play for linguistically naive speakers of Spanish, I carried out the following experiment. The 25 subjects were all natives of Spain, most of them 16 from Navarre. Seventeen women and eight men took the questionnaire. Twenty of them were between 18 and 20 years old, and the remaining five were between 32 and 49 years old.

The average level of education was high; 15 of the subjects had studied until the ages 19 to 22, two had studied until or beyond 26 years of age, and the remaining eight concluded their formal studies between the ages of 14 and Three subjects acknowledged having studied linguistics or philology, which in Spain usually means having studied prescriptive grammar and literature. The purpose of this questionnaire was to compare word-pairs which demonstrate well-attested, regular alternations, with word-pairs that contain uncommon, isolate alternations that cannot be derived from general rules.

In order to do so, I devised [] the list in Table 1. It contains 36 isolate word-pairs and 36 regular word-pairs. I designed the list with several criteria in mind. As in previous experiments Ohala and Ohala ; Derwing and Baker , I chose words which demonstrate a wide range of possible semantic similarity. In this way, subjects were exposed to a true continuum of word-pairs that could be judged to be very similar, or not similar at all.

Since the questionnaire was designed to determine what morphemic and semantic associations naive native speakers may make synchronically, whether a word-pair has a diachronic relationship or not is irrelevant. It is highly possible that in some cases naive speakers relate diachronically unrelated words while failing to relate diachronically associated ones. At any rate, it is unrealistic to assume that naive speakers have the same knowledge of historical relationships that linguists have.

Because the questionnaire consisted of visually presented stimuli, word-pairs were chosen in which there was at least one spelling change in what could be interpreted as the root morpheme e. An attempt was made to roughly equalize the number of changes that occur in the root morpheme of each pair of words, so that approximately the same number of word-pairs in the isolate and regular lists would have the same number of changes. This was done by considering the alternation between a single vowel or consonant, and a vowel or consonant cluster as one change e.

Of the isolate word-pairs, 29 have only one change, five have two, and two pairs have three changes. Thirty-one of the regular word-pairs have one change, and five pairs show two changes. The regular word-pairs were taken from examples found in the literature on Spanish phonology, or are words that could in principle be derived from the same root by the application of the rules set forth in the literature. Fifteen rule-based alternations are represented in the regular word-pair list Table 2. As with the regular word-pairs, isolate word-pairs were selected which demonstrate a range of possible semantic similarity.

In order for an alternation to be considered isolate it could not have been described in the literature on Spanish phonology. This is because it occurs in a context unrelated to the alternation described in the literature. However, there is no phonological or morphological context that these three pairs have in common which would allow them to be considered instances of the same general rule, and hence underlie a generalization The reason for classifying an alternation as an isolate one is more often than not, a matter of what intuitively looks isolate.

Nevertheless, if an alternation seemed to apply exclusively to only one pair of words, in a unique context, it was considered isolate. It is worth noting that three isolate word-pairs contain alternations which are counterexamples to the general rules. The regular and isolate word-pairs were randomized in regards to the question number they were assigned in the questionnaire, as well as in regards to which member of the pair preceded the other in any given question.

Eight filler items, which were not relevant to the study, were also included. The resulting order of 80 test questions appeared in the first part of the questionnaire. The word-pairs were again randomized as above and the resulting order appeared in the second part of questionnaire. As a result, each subject responded to a total of items. Studies by Ohala and Ohala , and Derwing and Baker had three parts. The subjects ranked word-pairs according to semantic, derivational, and phonetic similarity.

However, since phonetic similarity was roughly equalized across the regular and isolate word lists, the subjects only rated the words for semantic and derivational similarity. The independent variable in this experiment is the category the word-pair belongs to regular or isolate alternation. The subjects' rating of semantic relatedness is a covariate, and the subjects' rating of derivational [] relatedness is the dependent variable. The first part of the questionnaire determines to what extent the subjects judged each word-pair to be semantically similar.

The subjects were given both written and oral instructions. They were asked to judge how similar in meaning they felt that each word-pair was. The subjects rated each word-pair on a Lickert-type scale of one to five. Two examples were included following the written instructions in order to give the subjects a more clear idea of what was being asked of them.

The subjects were allowed to take as much time to complete the task as they needed, and the experimenter was present at all times. The second part of the questionnaire determines the extent to which the subjects felt each word-pair shared a morpheme, that is the word-pairs' derivational relatedness.

After completing the first part of the questionnaire, the subjects were given oral and written instructions for the second part. They were told that two words may look similar out of mere coincidence, or because they share the same root. To illustrate this point, the words pie and piedad 'foot, piety' were given as an example of two words which are similar out of coincidence, and should be given a '1' on the five point scale.

This pair should be assigned a '5' on the scale. In the instructions, emphasis was put on the fact that the subjects were no longer to judge the word-pairs as to how related they were in meaning. Although they would see the same words, the next task was independent from the first. The mean derivational relatedness rating for the word-pairs, at each of the five levels of semantic relatedness, is illustrated in Table 3. As can be seen, word-pairs with regular alternations received higher derivational relatedness scores than word-pairs with isolate alternations, at all five levels of semantic similarity.

A two-way ANOVA was performed to determine what factors influenced the subjects' judgements of derivational relatedness. The two factors are the nature of the alternation found in the word-pair regular or isolate , and semantic relatedness. The results appear in Table 4. No significant interaction was found between [] the derivational relatedness ratings and the type of alternation in the word-pairs p. The subjects' ratings of a word-pair's semantic relatedness were extremely significant p. This is to be expected since there is a strong correlation between peoples' judgements about whether two words have a similar meaning, and whether they contain the same root.

More important, however, is whether word-pairs with regular alternations would be judged to be derivationally related to a greater degree than word-pairs containing isolate alternations. The graph in Table 3 shows this difference. The lines represent the subjects' mean derivational relatedness rating for the word-pairs, at each of the five levels of semantic relatedness.

For example, point 'X' represents the mean derivational rating given to those word-pairs with regular alternations, which were given a rating of '2' on the scale of semantic relatedness. Point 'y' represents the mean derivational relatedness rating of word-pairs with isolate alternations, which were given a semantic relatedness rating of '3'.

That is, the line representing word-pairs with regular alternations is significantly separated from the line representing word-pairs with isolate alternations. It is interesting to note that the point of greatest divergence occurs in the middle of the semantic relatedness scale. This suggests that the subjects were more likely to perceive word-pairs with regular alternations as derivationally related when they were most unsure of the word-pair's semantic relatedness.

The results of this study indicate that the type of alternation exhibited by the word-pairs regular or isolate influenced the subjects' derivational relatedness ratings. More specifically, word-pairs with regular alternations were judged to share a morpheme to a greater extent than word-pairs with isolate alternations.

This suggests that the subjects have knowledge about what patterns are common and uncommon in the morphophonology of Spanish. Furthermore, they put this knowledge to use in determining whether two words have a common root or not. The results of this experiment provide some evidence for the psychological significance of phonological generalizations.

The regular alternations in the experiment correspond to phonological alternations which are considered significant, while the isolate alternations do not. In the experiment, the type of alternation found in a word-pair was a significant factor in determining the degree of derivational relatedness.

Therefore, it appears that phonological generalizations are psychologically real in that they play a role in the subjects' perception of whether the word-pairs are derivationally related or not. It is important not to draw any unwarranted conclusions from these results. The subjects in this study were asked to make a very careful, conscious, and deliberate analysis.

It would be unjustified to construe these results as evidence that such generalizations play any part in actual perception or production strategies, or in on-line derivation of related words from single underlying morphemes. The search for generalizations represents an attempt to codify phonological systems, which exist in the minds of language speakers, and are somehow manipulated by them.

Therefore, it is highly possible that there is some correlation between the generalizations which are found in a language and the actual knowledge that speakers have about the phonological system of their language. The major premise of the experiment is that if phonological generalizations are psychologically significant, Spanish speakers should treat the phonological alternations they underlie differently than alternations which are suppletive. Common regular phonological alternations, which exemplify linguistic generalizations, [] were contrasted with uncommon isolate alternations.

The experiment involved measuring the degree to which the test subjects perceived pairs of words to have a morpheme in common-their derivational relatedness. The outcome argues in favor of a psychological interpretation of phonological generalizations. The subjects perceived word-pairs with regular alternations to share a morpheme to a greater extent than word-pairs with isolate alternations. In other words, the factor regular versus isolate alternation was a significant factor in the subjects' perceptions of derivational relatedness.

This suggests that the subjects have made generalizations about what alternations are common and uncommon and put that knowledge to use in determining derivational relatedness. These results are by no means definitive. The list of regular and isolate word-pairs is central to the experiment. One thing which will strengthen the validity of the results of the word-pair experiment will be to replicate it with a different set of test words.

If similar outcomes are achieved, then the results are less likely to be due to the test material, and more likely to be dependent on the type of alternation exhibited by each pair of words. In any event, it is my hope that this experiment will stimulate others to probe the minds of language speakers in order to discover what kinds of knowledge speakers have about their language.

As far as phonological generalizations are concerned, once a large body of evidence has been amassed on them, their role in language processing will become more apparent and more definite conclusions may be reached. Contreras, Heles. University of Washington Working Papers in Linguistics 3: Cressey, William. Washington D. Derwing, Bruce L.

Language Learning and Thought. John Macnamara. New York: Academic. Harris, James W. Spanish Phonology. Cambridge, Mass. Studies in Romance Linguistics. Michio Peter Hagiwara. Rowley, Mass. Current Research in Romance Languages. James P. Lantolf and George B. Bloomington, Ind. Philip Baldi. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Phonology Yearbook 2: Hooper, Joan B. An Introduction to Natural Generative Phonology. Ohala, Manjari, and John J. Phonologica Wolfgang U. Dressler, Hans C. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Pilleux, Mauricio.

U of Pittsburgh. Skousen, Royal. Glossa 7: Wheeler, Cathy J. Papers in Linguistics Wong-Opasi, Uthaiwan. Lexical Phonology and the Spanish Lexicon. U of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. University California Riverside. University of Iowa.

ISNI Antonio Muñoz Molina ( )

Abstract : Northern Andean Spanish NAS possesses a complex system of structures which are used in impositive speech acts. NAS speakers choose from several grammatical possibilities when they ask their interlocutor to perform an action. The selection seems to be governed by the complex rules of politeness in the NAS communities. We summarize the grammatical possibilities and attempt to explain how the different forms are used to indicate different levels of politeness.

Key Words : Spanish dialectology, pragmatics, politeness theory, speech act, theory, Andean studies. Participants in conversational exchanges make frequent use of impositive speech acts by which we mean the verbal interaction in which the speaker asks the hearer to perform an action. The different manifestations of the petition are called impositive utterances or impositive sentences. This paper summarizes and discusses the most frequent types of impositive sentences in Northern Andean Spanish NAS as manifested in their allocutionary variants of requests and commands We gathered data from Spanish-speaking communities in southern Colombia and the Ecuadorian highlands as far south as Loja See Map 1.

Informants are native speakers of Spanish unless otherwise indicated. We have extracted most of our samples from natural conversations recorded in the area, with one sample from a written source. The findings demonstrate that the impositive acts used by NAS speakers not only differ at the grammatical level from the general patterns in Spanish but also show subtle pragmatic dialectal differences. In spontaneous conversational exchanges NAS speakers choose among various syntactic forms: imperative forms, the synthetic future, periphrastic verbal forms, and combinations of forms to formulate a command, an attenuated command or a polite request.

This is the continuum according to which the degree of politeness increases gradually; that is to say, the command is softened or mitigated until it reaches the level of a polite request or entreaty. The syntactic forms used by NAS speakers in impositive speech acts set this dialect apart from other varieties of Spanish This phenomenon is of interest not only from the purely linguistic point of view but also because the linguistic behavior exhibited in impositive speech acts in the northern Andean variety of Spanish provides insights into social values and power relationships among speakers in this area.

Two general types of impositive utterances are generally recognized. Orders are used in interactions in which the speaker has power over the hearer; in contrast, requests are used in at least three different types of interaction patterns as Haverkate 70 has pointed out: []. Brown and Gilman op. Although it is believed that these bases are universal, they may vary from culture to culture Haverkate Since in NAS the rules of politeness are very complex, we categorize the impositive utterances examined as follows: command or order, attenuated command and polite request or entreaty.


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In an order or command the speakers asks his interlocutor to perform an action. The speaker can instruct his hearer to do something, or can direct the hearer with authority and power. The speaker may assume a dominant position and may exercise absolute authority. The order or command stresses peremptoriness and may indicate arbitrary exercise of power. By using a command a speaker may be imposing on the listener a task as duty.

In the case of attenuated commands the speaker politely or courteously asks the interlocutor to perform an action. The hearer does not hold power nor authority over the speaker.


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The expressions used are almost an invitation to the hearer to ask for something, acknowledging the options that the hearer has. Finally, in the case of polite requests the speaker begs the hearer to perform an action as a kindness or favor, the forms used usually imply social superiority of the hearer over the speaker. The choice between these variants, frequently, depends on the social relation between the speaker and the hearer.

This relation determines which type of utterance or sentence will constitute the most strategic device for obtaining the communicative goal. Therefore, the basic function of the allocutionary act is to determine the context of the interaction and the strategy to be used. The allocutionary act, that is to say the strategy of verbal interaction, must be evaluated positively by the hearer in order for the speech act to be successful; therefore, the performance of an impositive act originates in the intention of speakers to get the hearer to behave according to their wishes or needs Haverkate This explains the proliferation of strategies for an impositive speech act versus a non-impositive one.

NAS linguistic practices selection among command or order, attenuated command and polite request show a great deal of allocutionary devices to stress respect for feelings of the hearer. In addition, as we have already noted, NAS speakers possess a set of linguistic devices to elicit from the hearer a positive reaction to his speech act that differs from the set used by speakers of other dialects of Spanish.

As a result, NAS speakers, in general, are perceived by Spanish speakers from other dialects as extremely polite.

Muñoz Molina, Antonio

In the next section we will briefly discuss standard forms and then we will illustrate NAS forms in their situational contexts. Impositive sentences in standard Spanish. In standard Spanish the imperative form allows the speaker to exhort, order or beg the interlocutor to perform an action. Lorenzo explains that Spanish verbal [] system includes the following forms to indicate a command or plea with the verb venir 'to come':.

In addition, the Spanish system has other structures that can be used by the speaker in impositive speech acts. In many cases the expression por favor precedes or follows the request. In other instances the request is preceded by variants of this expression:.

In some cases hypothetical clauses are used to indicate politeness:. In 1 to 4 syntactical devices are used to soften the impositive sentence to have a positive reaction on the part of the hearer. Lorenzo also indicates that other markers exist that signal or reinforce the meaning of command or begging, as in: A ver si - followed by present indicative as in 10 :. In general, the degree of politeness may be increased by adding to the impositive sentence expressions such as por favor 'please'.

Synthetic future forms and periphrastic constructions with deber ' must, ought to' and tener que 'to have to' may also serve as commands and requests. Lorenzo provides the following examples:. In spite of the fact that the standard Spanish system has these various possibilities, [] NAS speakers have adapted several innovative ways of signaling commands discussed in the next section.

Consider the following examples of one mother's interactions with her daughters. That same afternoon the mother in talking to her older daughter uses the usted form:. The use of the usted form is also accompanied by a suprasegmental change in the mother's voice to indicate distance. The case of vos is more complex; it is often found in interactions between equals, as illustrated by the following examples.

A worker asks his coworker to open the door for him:. Friends yell to encourage another friend to continue hiking a hill:. The vos imperative is also used in vertical relations when the speaker has authority over the addressee. However, our data does not have examples of that case. Finally, imperative forms in second person plural ustedes also appear in our corpus to address more than one interlocutor.

An example is the following form:. A woman talking to her maids:. In NAS many ways exist in which a rich system of expressive derivation interacts with speech acts, in particular the highly developed system of diminutives, involving not only nouns and adjectives, but also verbs, adverbs and clitics, as in 21 to Otherwise, the standard imperative forms are perceived as authoritarian.

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Our data have confirmed Toscano Mateus's statements. It should be noted that this combination of forms with similar meaning is used by speakers of other Andean and Latin American dialects as well. Synthetic future forms as softened commands.

Entrevista a Antonio Muñoz Molina en "Página Dos" de TVE (30/11/2014)

NAS speakers often use the synthetic future to soften a request. Begging intonation enhances the mitigating effect of the grammatical structure in this type of utterance.


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