Winning with the News Media: A Self-Defense Manual When Youre the Story

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Ethical journalism strives to ensure the free exchange of information that is accurate, fair and thorough. An ethical journalist acts with integrity. The Society declares these four principles as the foundation of ethical journalism and encourages their use in its practice by all people in all media.

Links will open in their own window. Seek Truth and Report It Ethical journalism should be accurate and fair. Journalists should be honest and courageous in gathering, reporting and interpreting information. Journalists should:. Minimize Harm Ethical journalism treats sources, subjects, colleagues and members of the public as human beings deserving of respect.

Act Independently The highest and primary obligation of ethical journalism is to serve the public. Disclose unavoidable conflicts. Identify content provided by outside sources, whether paid or not. This dynamic has left the U. The United States simply lacks a viable legislative plan for hardening its infrastructure against cyberattacks and developing much-needed cybertalent. Any strong defense against cyberattacks should follow the same principles used for basic U. For example, the interstate highway system in the United States, authorized in to enable rapid military transport of troops and supplies, also had much broader civilian benefits.

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Now, through neglect, roads in the United States are riddled with potholes, widening cracks, and crumbling asphalt; thousands of deaths on U. Yet potholes are the most boring problem imaginable for a policymaker. By contrast, whenever a bridge collapses, it grabs headlines—even though a comparatively small number of people per year die from bridge catastrophes. Incident response is appealing; it lets policymakers show their leadership chops in front of cameras, smoke, and sirens. The drudgery of repairing underlying problems and preventing the disasters in the first place takes a back seat.

This is dull but essential policy work, and the same goes for technology infrastructure. Cybersecurity should be akin to a routine vaccine, a line item in the infrastructure budget like highway maintenance. Basic cybersecurity measures—such as upgrades to encryption, testing the capability of recovery in the event of data loss, and routine audits for appropriate user access—should be built into every organizational budget.

When incidents happen—and they will happen as surely as bridges collapse—they should be examined by competent auditors and incident responders with regulatory authority, just as major incidents involving airlines are handled by the National Transportation Safety Board NTSB. If the U.

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Responding to major cyberattacks requires battalions of highly trained government analysts, not armies of accountants and attorneys. Yet the White House, under President Donald Trump, has failed to fill or has outright eliminated almost every major cybersecurity position. There are a few brilliant holdouts bravely providing solid advice on information security and best practices.

The government agency 18F and the United States Digital Service are both doing valuable work but receive far smaller budgets than they deserve. But cybertalent is draining faster than it is being replaced at the highest levels. The challenge for policymakers is the same as it ever was: Improving lowest-common denominator infrastructure in cybersecurity makes for the most effective defense against ill-intentioned adversaries.

When devastating attacks happen on U. It will have its own name. Until that point, however, these attacks will remain nameless. The first step to improving cyberdefense would be to determine what does, in fact, constitute a cyberattack by a foreign power as opposed to a mere prank or industrial espionage.

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Then officials and legislators need to decide what constitutes an act of justifiable self-defense during and after such an attack. To date, there have been few attempts to create such global norms. In , a group of experts on digital law convened in Tallinn, Estonia, and wrote the Tallinn Manual, the closest thing to digital Geneva Conventions the world currently has.

In , it was updated to the Tallinn Manual 2. It defined the characteristics of a cyberattack, including targeting and disabling critical infrastructure, hitting health care facilities, destroying transportation corridors or vehicles containing people, and attempts to penetrate the computer networks of opposing military forces. In the run-up to the German parliamentary elections, a string of cyberattacks led to fears of Russian meddling, but according to the Charter of the United Nations, unless armed force has been brought to bear within the borders of a country, no internationally recognized act of aggression has occurred.

This definition of war is hopelessly out of date. Countries are beginning to coalesce around the idea that some forms of active countermeasures are justified in self-defense, if not in actual reciprocation, under international law. One model could take shape if Russian interference in foreign elections is proved beyond any reasonable doubt. Drawing a chain of evidence between Russian state-sponsored election meddling via a cyberattack and actual election outcomes could lead to a global consensus on what constitutes extralegal military activity in cyberspace.

In the U. But his successor has not visibly followed through on that threat, at least in cyberspace. No definition of a cyber-related war crime can be effective without international legitimacy. In the absence of a binding global accord, the world will remain vulnerable to a motley mix of hackers, warriors, intelligence operatives, criminals, and angry teenagers—none of whom can be distinguished from behind three proxy servers.

It would be nearly impossible to identify perpetrators with percent confidence if they take even rudimentary steps to cover their digital tracks after cyberattacks. Were disaster to strike Southern California tomorrow, scientific tests and forensic analysis would allow us to tell whether it was an earthquake or a bomb—even if both events could destroy approximately the same amount of property. Yet it would be very easy to confuse a distributed denial of service attack on a U. Petersburg with an attack launched by the Russian military to deliberately deny U.

Cyber-enabled disinformation campaigns are equally problematic to attribute and to punish. Despite the consensus among experts and intelligence services that Russia tampered with the U. The challenge today is the rapid speed at which cyberspace morphs and evolves. It is changing faster than international summits can be convened, making obsolete any deal that takes longer than a week or two to negotiate.

But they will have to try. See also: Sanshou and Shuai jiao. Further information: form martial arts. This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. March Learn how and when to remove this template message. See also: Wushu sport. See also: Category:Chinese martial artists and Category:Wushu practitioners. China portal Martial arts portal. The Chinese University Press. Owning the Olympics: Narratives of the New China. Chinese University of Michigan Press. Mastering Yang Style Taijiquan.

Louis Swaine. Berkeley, California: Blue Snake Books. October Warfare in Chinese History. Brill Academic Publishers. A Military History of China. Westview Press. Peers, C. Osprey Publishing. Martial arts of the world: an encyclopedia. Asian Mythologies. Wendy Doniger.

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University Of Chicago Press. The Method of Chinese Wrestling. North Atlantic Books.

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