Kant et M. de Bismarck (French Edition)

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View basket. Continue shopping. United Kingdom. Search Within These Results:. From: medimops Berlin, Germany Seller Rating:. Galluppi e Kant nella dottrina morale; studio espositivo-critico Reprint Campari, Antonio. Principes me? Kant par Cl. Tissot Reprint Kant, Immanuel, Il fondamento morale della politica secondo Kant Reprint Lamanna, E.

La morale de kant - initiation philosophique collection dirigee par j. Vialatoux Published by Puf Sup Religione e vita. Seller Image. De la philosophie allemande : rapport a l'Acade? La morale de Kant : e? Cresson Reprint Cresson, Andre? His answers showed that he had mastered the general principles of the Roman as well as of the Prussian law, and his judgments on the concrete cases that were put to him proved that he knows how to apply those principles.

Altogether, the candidate showed an excellent power of judgment, quickness of comprehension in the questions put to him, and skill in oral expression. Bismarck did not accept the reproof. He prayed that the sword of Joshua might be given to him to exterminate all these. They were to blossom again with great luxuriance after the winter of public discontent which culminated in the March Revolution of , by which time Bismarck may be said to have entered public life as a member of the first United Diet of the Prussian monarchy, the first experiment in the way of a national Parliament.

Could he but have had his own way, he would have cleared the streets of Berlin with volleys of grape-shot ; or at any rate he would have adopted a much more energetic policy than that pursued by the weak-willed King, Frederick William IV. As Bismarck himself subsequently said : — "After the days of March, the troops were in Potsdam and the King in Berlin. General Mollendorfif, who was there, sat on a stool not far from me, looking very sour. They had peppered him so that he could only sit half on. One was advising this and another that, but nobody very well knew what to do.

His Majesty thought that it might be dangerous to have recourse to sharp methods of dealing with the insurrectionary movement. Therefore, courage, courage, and ever more courage, and your Majesty will win. I was acquainted with Herr von Savigny, who was after- wards envoy at Dresden. His house was close to my residence in the Wilhelmstrasse. One morning, when I went to see him, he said, ' I have a visitor in the house, Herr von Bismarck, of whose doings in the Landtag you must have heard.

Our conversation turned upon the news which had just been received that Robert Blum the barricade-fighter had been shot at Vienna. I expressed the opinion that, from an Austrian point of view, this was a political mistake. His name is not on the list of original shareholders, nor had he a hand in devising the journal ; but he was a constant contributor to it, and received payment for his articles. I might have then concluded from this incident, what subsequently became quite evident, that Bismarck was not very scrupulous in the choice of means to achieve a definite end.

The result of the elections had been about equally favourable to the Royalists and the Radicals, and the former were jubilant. On meeting Bismarck, one of them exclaimed, — " We have conquered! Our victory has yet to come, but come it will! One Liberal nobleman — Count Schwerin, who acted as President of the Chamber — asked Bismarck what he had against him. One of these Herr von Unruh once asked him to what they were indebted for the honour of his presence on their side of the table.

Let us make a bargain. If we gain the upper hand we shall spare you ; if fortune should favour you, you shall do the same by us. In the word was applied by the Liberals in a practical sense to the high Prussian or Conservative party — mainly composed of the reactionary landed gentry, who loathed the very name of reform.

Frankfort , Bismarck, who happened just then to be standing in front of the tribune, whispered to a fellow deputy Reichensperger , " My deceased father would turn thrice in his grave, could he but hear that I have become a scribe to a Jewish pedant. At Olmiitz Prussia once more signed a contract of humiliating subserviency to Austria, acid the affairs of the divided nation were again committed to the care of the resuscitated Bund, or Diet of the Germanic Con- federation, at Frankfort, under the presidency of the Hapsburg Power. To this Power Bismarck, at that time, professed his devotion as being a more emphatic foe of the Revolution than Prussia had proved ; and in his opinion repression of the spirit of revolution was meanwhile a more pressing task than encourage- ment of the national spirit.

For some time the King had had his eye on Bismarck, and even thought of offering him a portfolio, though from this course he was dissuaded by those who held the Knight of the Mark to be still too young and inexperienced, and too much of a Hotspur. Lord Ampthill once found him reading Andersen's story of the Ugly Duckling, which relates how a duck hatched a swan's egg, and how the cygnet was jeered at by his putative brethren, the ducklings, until one day a troop of lordly swans, floating down the river, saluted him as one of their race.

The King was very much surprised at the promptness with which Bismarck had accepted his offer, and asked him whether he had well weighed all the difficulties of the position. He could not help admiring his courage, said his Majesty. But we have a supplementary account of this incident from the pen of Mr. John Lothrop Motley, Bismarck's old fellow-student at Gottingen and Berlin, who, writing from Frankfort in , said : " In the summer of 1 85 1, he told me, the Minister, Manteuffel, asked him one day abruptly if he would accept the post of Ambassador at Frankfort, to which although the proposition was as unexpected a one to him, as if I should hear by the next mail that I had been chosen Governor of Massachussets he answered, after a moment's deliberation, ' Yes,' without another word.

The result, he said, was three days of tears on her part. He had previously been leading the life of a plain country squire with a moderate income, had never held any position in the Government or in diplomacy, and had hardly ever been to Court. He is a man of very noble character and very great powers of mind. Strict integrity, and courage of character, a high sense of honour, a firm religious belief, united with remarkable talents, make up neces- sarily a combination which cannot be found any day in any Court ; and I have no doubt he is destined to be Prime Minister, unless his obstinate truthfulness, which is apt to be a stumbling-block for politicians, stands in his way.

A man of most undaunted courage. The stand which he took in the Assembly from conviction, on the occasion of the outbreak of , marked him out at once to all parties as one of the leading characters of Prussia. The prominent place he now occupies as a statesman sought him. He did not seek it, or any other office. For, shortly before his appointment to Frankfort, the Regent of Anhalt-Bernburg had requested the Prussian Government to name several men from whom one might be chosen for a high State office in the Duchy.

The request was complied with, and among the names submitted was that of " Otto von Bismarck-Schonhausen. Both set out accordingly for the centre of the Duchy ; but, as ill luck or luck would have it, the axle of the carriage in which Bismarck journeyed broke on the way, and he was compelled to stay a night at the nearest town. Next day he re- sumed his journey, but he arrived twenty-four hours after the time appointed for the interview. In the mean- while his rival had been given the post. So Bismarck returned home, pretty much in the same position if he had only known it as Saul after he had gone forth to look for his father's asses and found a crown.

We have seen what Motley thought of Bismarck ; and now let us see what the latter thought of Motley. Speaking to his secretary once, he said : " I met Motley at Gottingen in , 1 am not sure if at the beginning of the Easter or Michaelmas term. He kept company with German students, though more addicted to study than we members of the fighting clubs. Although not yet having mastered the German language, he exercised a marked attraction by a conversation sparkling with wit, humour, and originality.

In autumn of , having both of us emigrated from Gottingen to Berlin for the prosecution of our studies, we became fellow-lodgers in the house. There we lived in the closest intimacy, sharing meals and outdoor exercise. An enthusiastic admirer of Shakespeare, Byron, and Goethe, he used to spice his conversation abundantly with quotations from these his favourite authors. A pertinacious arguer — so much so that he sometimes watched my awakening in order to continue a discussion on some topic of science, poetry, or practical life, which had been cut short by the chime of the small hours — he never lost his mild and amiable temper.

The most striking feature of his handsome and delicate appearance was his uncommonly large and beautiful eyes. He never entered a drawing-room without exciting the curiosity and sympathy of the ladies. On the two first occasions of his doing so, he incurred the risk of a challenge from one offended deputy, and sent his own second to another. This latter was Herr von Vincke, who had referred to Bismarck as a " renowned diplomatist," but at once withdrew the expression, " as all I know of his diplomatic achievements is limited to the well-known story of the lighted cigar.

Busch asked the Chancellor about "the famous cigar story. Well, that was simple enough. I went to him, and he was working and smoking at the same time. He begged me to wait a moment. I did wait; but when it seemed too long, and he offered me no cigar, I took out one, and asked him for a light, which he gave me with a rather astonished look. As Bismarck looked upon these words in the light of an insult, he hastened to call out his calumniator, and they fought a bloodless duel with pistols on March 25th, On this subject General Leopold von Gerlach wrote in his Memoirs under date March 23rd : " Bismarck came to see me last night, and was very pleasant about his forthcoming duel — which Stolberg regards in a very serious light, but never- theless declares to be necessary.

Buchsel " a pastor of some kind " had refused to give him the Sacra- ment, which I do not think was right of him, as the duel is in the nature of a righteous war of defence. Kleist could not persuade Buchsel to yield in the matter. Buchsel, after all, administered to him the Holy Communion the previous day, and before firing his first shot, he Bismarck offered up a prayer — a thing, it is said, which had a great effect on Vincke. Bismarck has returned to Frankfort " — whence he soon after wrote that he would not seek re-election to a seat among such " Chamber- chatterers.

But after his Vincke duel, the only other occasion on which he sought to settle a personal dispute by wager of battle was during the " Conflict Time " — still ahead — when he called out the famous physiologist, Professor Virchow, who, in the Chamber, had roundly accused the Premier of unveracity. If so," — and, suiting the action to the word, home he went and sent a challenge to his slanderer.

But the learned professor refused to meet the Minister- President as the Albans had faced the Roman brothers. This incident caused a great sensation at the time, but it was nearly forgotten when it was cited in a singular way in court. A gentleman was on trial for sending a challenge, and, in mitigation of sentence, the defendant referred to the case of Bismarck versus Virchow, observing that Bismarck had never been called to account for his challenge.

The judge replied that he was not prosecuted as being protected by the military uniform which, as an officer in the Landwehr, he was accustomed and entitled to wear. I do SO in that faith which I have strengthened by long and severe struggling, but also in honest and humble prayer to God ; a faith which no word of man, even that of a friend in Christ and a servant of His Church, can overthrow.

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Adams, who was American Minister at the Court of St. James in the beginning of this century. Adams spoke with admiration of the efforts which were being made to put down duelling in England by force of public opinion. Bismarck, in courteously acknowledging the book, wrote : " There is much good sense in England, but you have not done away with duelling, as you suppose. There is more of it among your schoolboys, who fight with their fists, than among those of any other country ; and this may prevent the necessity for much fighting in after-life.

English boys take rank at school ac- cording to their pluck, and hold that rank ever afterwards. The Court Pastor replied that there might be several definitions of courage ; but Bismarck interrupted him with a boisterous laugh : " Oh, yes, the moral courage of letting one's face be slapped rather than fight a duel ; I have met plenty of men who did that. On one occasion things came to such a pitch that Count Rechberg passionately exclaimed, " One of my friends shall wait on you in the morning.

Let us settle the matter im- mediately. While you are getting the things ready I shall write a report about the whole transaction, which, in case I am killed, I request you to forward to Berlin. When Bismarck had finished he handed the sheet to Count Rechberg, requesting him to examine it. Rechberg's passion had in the meantime given way to sober reflection. After perusing the report, he said, " What you say is quite correct ; but is it really worth while fighting a duel for such a reason? AS Bismarck invariably spoke as he wrote, his table- talk during the Frankfort period of his career will be found in the letters which he penned to his wife and sister throughout these eight years, as well as in his official despatches to Berlin, some of which are marvels of character-sketching.

But here is a vivid glimpse of his family life and ways — again from the pen of his old fellow-student Motley, who visited him at Frankfort in — " When I called, Bismarck was at dinner, so I left my card and said I would come back in half-an- hour. As soon as my card had been carried to him as I learned afterwards he sent a servant after me to the hotel, but I had gone another way. When I came back I was received with open arms.

I can't express to you how cordially he received me. If I had been his brother, instead of an old friend, he could not have shown more warmth and affectionate delight in seeing mc. I am sure that you will like him, and I only regret that we can see so little or nothing of each other for the rest of our lives " " The Bismarcks are as kind as ever.

It is one of those houses where every one does what one likes. The show apartments where they receive formal company are on the front of the house. Their living- rooms, however, are a salon and dining-room at the back, opening upon the garden. Here there are young and old, grandparents and children and dogs all at once ; eating, drinking, smoking, piano-playing, and pistol-firing in the garden , all going on at the same time.

It is one of those establishments where every earthly thing that can be eaten or drunk is offered you ; porter, soda-water, small beer, champagne, burgundy, or claret are about all the time, and everybody is smoking the best Havana cigars every minute. When he sat down to take tea in any company, how quiet, yet how sparkling, was the flow of his wit. No such gladness was shed around by De Morny, with his airs of superiority and his nimbus of half- brothership ; nor did it grow round the conversational arabesques of Count von Beust, or radiate from the kid-leather of his elegant little boots.

He was quick, and at the same time indefatigable. It was a thing never to be forgotten to hear him dictate his reports. Arrayed in a large-patterned dressing-gown of green damask silk, his hands thrust into its pockets, pacing up and down his room, he seemed to think aloud in im- patiently overflowing sentences, now driving the secretary to wild haste, now, by some droll paren- thetical remark, compelling him to lay down his pen, lest, shaken by his laughter, it should drop a blot on the paper.

Sometimes it happened that Frau von Bismarck interrupted her busy husband with some domestic query, and then an amusing interlude would take place. The husband, who had one of the new dozen on at the time, expressed himself as satisfied on the whole, but objected to the height of the collars, and, seizing the paper-scissors, with a pleasant smile, clipped off the superfluous amount of collar to show how much he wished to have them lowered.

The young attache might at any hour of the day or night expect to be called into the study of the Ambassador. It sometimes occurred that when he returned between midnight and morning from a ball, or its epilogue at a beer-house, he had to lay aside all his exhaustion, along with his hat and his cotillon rosette, and teach his hastily snatched-up pen to dance a long waltz without any pauses, to the dictation of the Am- bassador, who, even then, was sometimes troubled with sleeplessness. On such occasions, early or late, many a hint fell — my memory does not deceive me — on a gratefully willing ear.

An historical inaccuracy would be followed by the question, ' Have you, then, skipped over a page or two in Becker's History of the World '? A young diplomatist must know the Almanach de Gotha by heart ; for the things that form its contents play an important part in politics. It had been mainly at his instigation that the Diet hastened to recognise the coup d'etat and Napoleon's assumption of the Imperial title, so that he stood high in the estimation of " the man of destiny. Rothan, a French diplomatist, who afterwards wrote : " M.

Nor did he forget the Empress, of whom he had spoken with such scant consideration in his Frankfort letters, saying that she was the loveliest woman he had seen in Paris, doubtless in the belief that this flattery would reach the proper quarter and bear seasonable fruit. Jules Favre, the tearful suppliant for pity to his conquered country. It was this distinction that Bismarck ever made between his own private feelings and his political convictions which saved Prussia from the danger of siding with the Western Powers during the Crimean War — much to the exasperation of these Powers.

This was one of the very finest acts of foresight which ever distinguished Bismarck's career ; but he would never have been able to claim the credit for it, had he allowed his personal predilection for England to influence his international politics. It was also for the same reason that he lamented — quite as much as the Times did, though for a very different reason — the betrothal of the Crown Princess Royal of England to the heir to the Prussian crown. There was some of his table-talk on this subject which cannot very well be repeated ; but the rest of it he himself thus reproduced in a letter to General von Gerlach, Aide-de-Camp to Frederick William IV.

I must separate the two words in order to make my meaning clear. The English part of the business pleases me not at all. As for the marriage, it may be all right, for the Princess has the reputation of being a young lady of mind and heart ; and one of the first conditions for discharging one's duty in this world, whether as king or subject, is that his home shall be free from all that is represented in and involved by the contrary of mind and heart in the wife who presides over that FROM FRANKFORT TO BERLIN.

If, therefore, the Princess succeeds in leaving the Englishwoman in England, and becoming a Prussian in Prussia, she will be a blessing to this country. Royal marriages, as a rule, give the house whence the bride comes influence over the house which she enters, but not vice versa. This is especially the case when the wife's country is more powerful, and has a more strongly developed national feeling than the husband's.

With us, on the contrary, British influence will find the most fertile soil in the servile admiration of the honest German citizen for Lords and Commons, and in the Anglomania for news- papers, sportsmen, landowners, and magistrates. Every Berliner feels himself already an inch taller when a real English jockey addresses him and gives him an opportunity of torturing the Queen's English. What will it be when the first lady in the land is herself an Englishwoman? He could not bear to let it be thought that he was inferior in any respect to the fair sex.

Once at Frankfort he chanced to sit at a table cThote opposite a couple of young ladies from the Baltic Provinces, who began conversing with con- siderable abandon in the Lett tongue ; and Bismarck suspected that he himself was the main object of criticism on the part of his fair but rather provincial- mannered companions, who never imagined that a barbarous dialect like theirs would be understood by any one in a civilised city like Frankfort.

The quizzing mood of the ladies having reached its climax with the dessert, Bismarck whispered to his neighbour to hand him a key whenever he heard him utter some unintelligible words. He had picked up a smattering of Lettish when once on a visit to Courland ; and now to his linguistic accomplishments he was to add a considerable knowledge of Russian when transferred from Frankfort to St. Petersburg on the eve of the Italian war , in which he beheld Prussia's opportunity for emancipating herself, once and for all, from the intolerable tutelage of Austria.

Petersburg, where he had been " placed in ice " by the Prince Regent of Prussia afterwards German Emperor , and here he made the best possible im- pression as a table-talker — even against his own government and its questionable doings. The fresh, uncon- strained, and yet self-possessed manner of the new- comer accorded in every respect with the social demands of our aristocracy. Business people were im- pressed with the offhand readiness of the diplomatist, who proved himself at home on every subject ; while the lions and lionesses of our drawing-rooms were charmed with the unfailing good-temper, the flowing wit, the distinguished yet simple manners, and the excellent French of the man of the world.

Here, at last, was a German with whom we could associate as easily and pleasantly as with other people. Our overweening aristocracy, accustomed to look down on everything German, and to consider itself superior to all others, joyfully acknowledged him as one of its own caste.

Petersburg, where he had acted as Prussian Minister for over three years, Bismarck was transferred to Paris in the same capacity, though here his stay only lasted a little over three months June to September, I But during this brief period he had ample opportunity of completing his study of the character of Napoleon and his satellites. De Morny was fond of quoting the anecdote about Alcibiades having cut off the tail of his dog to give the Athenians something to talk about, and he and the Prussian Minister had "more than one conversation about the art of ruling.

Bismarck had the frankness to say that he looked upon the comedies of Dumas the younger, and indeed on most French plays of the lighter sort, as grossly corrupting to the public morals. De Morny cared nothing for character. The men whom he recommended for prefectships or posts in the diplomatic service were, for the most part, adventurers — brilliant, witty, diseurs de rien and cajolers of the other sex.

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His own ideal of a State functionary was the blameless man without debts or entanglements — laborious but not pushing, well educated but not abounding in ideas, a man in all things obedient. He sneered at diplomatists like M. Benedetti and the Due de Gramont, calling them " dancing dogs without collars. If they barked, you were sure to hear a voice from Paris crying to them to be quiet. If they fawned, you might expect to see them receive some sly kick, warning them that they ought to be up and biting. It is true, he again spoke of " some slight rectification of frontier," mentioning the Saarbriick coal-fields as a desirable acquisition for France ; but Bismarck distinctly told him that Prussia would not part with a single village, saying that, even if he himself were willing which he was not , the King would never hear of such a thing.

It was now Napoleon's turn to caution Bismarck in similar language, but, seeing him full of hope and courage, despite his own evil- boding, he dismissed him with a " Very well, then, do what you cannot help doing. Among the guests was the Prussian Minister in Paris, Herr von Bismarck-Schonhausen, who after dinner had a long conversation with Disraeli.

My first care will be to re-organise the army, with or without the help of the Diet. The King has rightly im- posed this task upon himself, but with his present counsellors he cannot discharge it. With the army placed in a position to enforce respect, I shall seize upon the first pretext for declaring war against Austria, breaking up the German Federation, sub- jecting the minor States, and giving Germany national unity under Prussia's guidance.

I have come here in order to tell the Queen's Ministers this. He means what he says. Lord John Russell was to experience the truth of this remark. But from the pen of Mr. For there can be little doubt that Lord Beaconsfield did his Prussian friend the honour of making him one of the characters Count Ferroll, quasi dferro et igni in his Endymion. He was always a welcome guest there, and received the greatest distinction which England could bestow upon a foreigner ; he had been elected an honorary member of White's. Everything is quite rotten throughout the Continent.

This year is tranquillity to what the next will be. There is not a throne in Europe worth a year's purchase. My worthy master wants me to return home and be Minister ; I am to fashion for him a new constitution. I will never have anything to do with new constitutions ; their inventors are always the first victims. Instead of making a con- stitution he should make a country, and convert his heterogeneous domains into a patriotic dominion.

And what was that? It was a message from King William, summoning him to return at once to Berlin and assume the post of Minister-President. The Chamber had again rejected the estimates for a reformed army — the condition precedent of all other reforms — and the King was in despair. Bismarck made no secret of the contents of his telegram, and expressed the hope that he would yet succeed in reconciling the Government and the Chamber. But he would not interrupt the drive, which presently led across the fine suspension bridge of the Rhone and along the bank of the noble river to a locality lovely with vineyards and olive groves, where the party got out of their vehicle to take a stroll and enjoy the balmy evening air.

Suddenly Madame Liining stopped, and, breaking off a double twig from a young olive tree, offered it to Bismarck with the words : " May this help you to make it up with your opponents! I refused to take office. The document was ready for handing to the Crown Prince. A fortnight after, the King wrote to me from Baden in a state of intense despondency. I went to meet him on his way back to Berlin, and waited for him at Jiiterbog station.

The platform was quite dark. I could not find the Royal carriage. In those days we did not travel in special trains. At last I found the King sitting in an ordinary first-class compartment. He was terribly depressed. The Queen had pointed to the lessons of history. I pointed to the Prussian officer's sword which he wore. I should fall like Strafford, and your Majesty like Charles I. Surely your Majesty, as captain of a company, cannot think of deserting it under fire? The Prussian officer's sword had carried the day, and I had won back my King. Such was the serious character of the times we then went through, and such was the stake my noble master risked in order to lay the foundation-stone of our military organisation.

Military reform, he argued, was above all things requisite for a " national policy. Thereupon Bismarck produced his pocket-book, and took from it a little twig with a few dried leaves upon it. Not by speechifying and resolutions, as in and , can the great questions of the time be decided, but by blood andiron!

Morale Kant

Conversing soon after this with a Hessian deputy Dr. Friedrich Oetker Bismarck complained that his meaning had been perverted in the report of his speech. Every one, he said, was influenced by his education, but at Frankfort his eyes had been opened. For the rest, he had simply taken office in order to obviate recourse to extreme measures.

Oetker said this was precisely what he himself had fancied, and that he never for a moment thought of crediting the new Premier with plans in the sense of the Kreuz-Zeitung. On this occasion Bismarck set forth the aims of his policy, saying that he would not adhere to it if he thought it was at all possible for the re-organised Prussian army to be beaten. Motley, amid all the Babel of a debate in the Chamber of Deputies : — " I hate politics ; but, as you say truly, like the grocer hating figs, I am none the less obliged to keep my thoughts increasingly occupied with those figs.

Even at this moment, while I am writing to you, my ears are full of it. I am obliged to listen to particularly tasteless speeches out of the mouths of uncommonly childish and excited politicians, and I have therefore a moment of unwilling leisure which I cannot use better than by giving you news of my welfare. As Envoy, though only an official, I still had the feeling of being a gentleman ; as Parliamentary Minister one is a helot.

I have come down in the world and hardly know how. All these people have agreed to approve our treaties with Belgium, in spite of which twenty speakers scold each other with the greatest vehemence, as if each wished to make an end of the other ; they are not agreed about the motives which make them unanimous; hf ace, alas! Russia has long been sick and tired of Poland.

When I was Minister in St. Petersburg, Alexander II. Ihimself once told me that Russia, the most uncivilised of nations, could not govern a civilised people like the Poles, though the Germans might be able to do so. I In time we would Germanise Poland, though the union between the two countries might only be a personal one, and the Polish deputies would no longer sit here " in Berlin , " but in Warsaw. On the same occasion Herr von Oetker expressed the hope that an end would now soon be put to the conflict between Crown and Chamber about the army- estimates, a conflict which absorbed so much of the Premier's energy.

These professors think they know everything better than I do, and want to have a say in everything ; but that won't do in politics. You start from the left, I from the right, and we are sure to meet on common ground. But as for the professors! My reception was very polite and even cordial.

I remember our walking one evening near the Wallner Theatre, and pursuing our conversa- tion. It was my task to interview ' Herr von Bismarck. We arrived in the afternoon. I looked for Bismarck at the ' Stephanienbad,' where Napoleon had stayed in i He was out, but soon returned.

It was late, and Bismarck asked me to stay for dinner, an invitation which I gladly accepted. You had no truer friend in Prussia than General Manteuffel. On readir g your speech, he was taken ill, and had to keep his bed for twenty-four hours, during which he exclaimed incessantly, " How mistaken one can be in such a man! He says, "If they had only sent me my son-in-law ' Grand Duke of Baden , ' I should have rated him soundly ; but they actually send me the venerable King of Saxony! A special train soon took us back to Frankfort " — re infectd.

Then came the Danish war, of which Bismarck was afterwards to say : " When I was made a Prince the King insisted on putting Alsace-Lorraine into my coat-of-arms. But I would much rather have had Schleswig-Holstein, for that is the campaign, politically speaking, of which I am proudest.

This Pretender went to Berlin to treat with Bismarck about his claims, and it was then that he heard, from the mouth of the Prussian Premier, first mention of that project which has now been realised in the Canal uniting the Baltic and North Sea. But Prince Frederick would not yield to all the Premier's demands in connection with the matter.

But he would not yield an inch thank Heaven, thought I to myself, and thanks to the wisdom of his legal advisers. I now titled him ' Serene Highness,' and told him at last quite coolly that we could easily wring the neck of the chicken which we ourselves had hatched. I am working from morn to night like a nigger, and you have nothing to do at all — you might as well tip me a line instead of looking at your feet tilted against the wall of God knows what a dreary colour.

I cannot entertain a regular correspondence ; it happens to me that during five days I do not find a quarter of an hour for a walk ; but you, lazy old chap, what keeps you from thinking of your old friends? Why do you never come to Berlin? At the end of the conflict we should scarcely know why we had fought. Bismarck also repeated his emphatic warning against any German military involvement in Balkan disputes.

Bismarck had first made this famous comment to the Reichstag in December , when the Balkan revolts against the Ottoman Empire threatened to extend to a war between Austria and Russia. Only a year later [], he is faced by the alternative of espousing the cause of Russia or that of Austria. Immediately after the last crisis, in the summer of , the mutual jealousies between Russia and Austria had been rendered acute by the fresh risings in the Balkans against the Turks.

Now the issues hung upon Bismarck's decision. Immediately after the peace, he had tried to paralyse the Balkan rivals by the formation of the Three Emperors' League. According to Taylor, "The more familiar grenadier took the musketeer's place in a speech of ". Bismarck implemented the world's first welfare state in the s. He worked closely with big industry and aimed to stimulate German economic growth by giving workers greater security. Bismarck especially listened to Hermann Wagener and Theodor Lohmann , advisers who persuaded Bismarck to give workers a corporate status in the legal and political structures of the new German state.

Bismarck's idea was to implement welfare programs that were acceptable to the conservatives without any socialistic aspects. He was dubious about laws protecting workers at the workplace, such as safe working conditions, limitation of work hours, and the regulation of women's and child labor, because he believed that such regulation would force workers and employers to reduce work and production, and thus harm the economy. Bismarck opened debate on the subject on 17 November in the Imperial Message to the Reichstag , using the term practical Christianity [57] to describe his program.

Bismarck's program centered squarely on insurance programs designed to increase productivity, and focus the political attentions of German workers on supporting the Junker's government. The program included health insurance, accident insurance, disability insurance, and a retirement pension, none of which were then currently in existence to any great degree.

Based on Bismarck's message, the Reichstag filed three bills designed to deal with the concept of Accident insurance, and one for Health Insurance. The subjects of Retirement pensions and Disability Insurance were placed on the back burner for the time being. Young men considering emigration looked at not only the gap between higher hourly 'direct wages' in the United States and Germany but also the differential in 'indirect wages,' that is, social benefits, which favored staying in Germany.

The young men went to German industrial cities, so that Bismarck's insurance system partly offset low wage rates in Germany and furthered the fall of the emigration rate. The first bill that had success was the Health Insurance bill, which was passed in The program was considered the least important from Bismarck's point of view, and the least politically troublesome.

The program was established to provide health care for the largest segment of the German workers. The health service was established on a local basis, with the cost divided between employers and the employed. The minimum payments for medical treatment and Sick Pay for up to 13 weeks were legally fixed.

The individual local health bureaus were administered by a committee elected by the members of each bureau, and this move had the unintended effect of establishing a majority representation for the workers on account of their large financial contribution. This worked to the advantage of the Social Democrats who — through heavy Worker membership — achieved their first small foothold in public administration.

Bismarck's government had to submit three draft bills before they could get one passed by the Reichstag in Bismarck had originally proposed that the Federal Government pay a portion of the Accident Insurance contribution. Bismarck's motive was a demonstration of the willingness of the German government to lessen the hardship experienced by the German workers as a means of weaning them away from the various left-wing parties, most importantly the Social Democrats.

The National Liberals took this program to be an expression of State Socialism , which they were dead set against. As a result, the only way the program could be passed at all was for the entire expense to be underwritten by the Employers. To facilitate this, Bismarck arranged for the administration of this program to be placed in the hands of "Der Arbeitgeberverband in den beruflichen Korporationen" the Organization of Employers in Occupational Corporations. This organization established central and bureaucratic insurance offices on the Federal, and in some cases the State level to perform the actual administration.

The program kicked in to replace the health insurance program as of the 14th week. This program was expanded in to include Agricultural workers. The Old Age Pension program, an insurance equally financed by employers and workers, was designed to provide a pension annuity for workers who reached the age of 70 years. Unlike the Accident Insurance and Health Insurance programs, this program covered all categories of workers—industrial, agrarian, artisans and servants from the start.

Also, unlike the other two programs, the principle that the national government should contribute a portion of the underwriting cost, with the other two portions prorated accordingly, was accepted without question. The Disability Insurance program was intended to be used by those permanently disabled. This time, the State or Province supervised the programs directly.

Bismarck: In good old colony times, When we lived under the King, Three roguish chaps fell into mishaps Because they could not sing. Gaudeamus igitur, juvenes dum sumus. Post jucundam juventutem, post molestam senectutem nos habebit humus. Rat eines Vaters an seinen Sohn. Prince v. The new monarch was already suffering from an incurable throat cancer and died after reigning for only 99 days. He was replaced by his son, Wilhelm II. The new Emperor opposed Bismarck's careful foreign policy, preferring vigorous and rapid expansion to enlarge Germany's "place in the sun".

Bismarck was 16 years older than Friedrich. Before the latter became terminally ill, Bismarck did not expect he would live to see Wilhelm ascend to the throne, and thus had no strategy to deal with him. Conflicts between Wilhelm II and his chancellor soon poisoned their relationship. Perhaps on account of his prominent role in Wilhelm's upbringing, Bismarck believed that he could dominate the young Kaiser and showed little respect for his policies in the late s. However, Wilhelm wanted to be his own master and was surrounded by sycophants telling him that Frederick the Great would not have been so great with a Bismarck at his side.

Their final split occurred after Bismarck tried to implement far-reaching anti-Socialist laws in early The Kartell majority in the Reichstag, of the amalgamated Conservative Party and the National Liberal Party, was willing to make most of the laws permanent. But it was split about the law allowing the police the power to expel socialist agitators from their homes, a power used excessively at times against political opponents. The National Liberals refused to make this law permanent, while the Conservatives supported only the entirety of the bill and threatened to and eventually vetoed the entire bill in session because Bismarck would not agree to a modified bill.

As the debate continued, Wilhelm became increasingly interested in social problems, especially the treatment of mine workers who went on strike in , and keeping with his active policy in government, routinely interrupted Bismarck in Council to make clear his social policy. Bismarck sharply disagreed with Wilhelm's policy and worked to circumvent it. Even though Wilhelm supported the altered anti-socialist bill, Bismarck pushed for his support to veto the bill in its entirety. But when his arguments could not convince Wilhelm, Bismarck became excited and agitated until uncharacteristically blurting out his motive to see the bill fail: to have the socialists agitate until a violent clash occurred that could be used as a pretext to crush them.

Wilhelm replied that he was not willing to open his reign with a bloody campaign against his own subjects. The next day, after realizing his blunder, Bismarck attempted to reach a compromise with Wilhelm by agreeing to his social policy towards industrial workers, and even suggested a European council to discuss working conditions, presided over by the German Emperor.

Despite this, a turn of events eventually led to his distancing from Wilhelm. Bismarck, feeling pressured and unappreciated by the Emperor and undermined by ambitious advisers, refused to sign a proclamation regarding the protection of workers along with Wilhelm, as was required by the German Constitution, to protest Wilhelm's ever increasing interference to Bismarck's previously unquestioned authority.

Bismarck also worked behind the scenes to break the Continental labour council on which Wilhelm had set his heart. Otto von Bismarck, painted in his seventy-fifth year.

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The final break came as Bismarck searched for a new parliamentary majority, with his Kartell voted from power due to the anti-socialist bill fiasco. Bismarck wished to form a new block with the Centre Party, and invited Ludwig Windthorst , the parliamentary leader to discuss an alliance. This would be Bismarck's last political manoeuvre. Wilhelm was furious to hear about Windthorst's visit. In a parliamentary state, the head of government depends on the confidence of the parliamentary majority, and certainly has the right to form coalitions to ensure his policies a majority.

However, in Germany, the Chancellor depended on the confidence of the Emperor alone, and Wilhelm believed that the Emperor had the right to be informed before his minister's meeting. After a heated argument in Bismarck's office Wilhelm, whom Bismarck had allowed to see a letter from Tsar Alexander III describing him as a "badly brought-up boy", stormed out, after first ordering the rescinding of the Cabinet Order of , which had forbidden Prussian Cabinet Ministers to report directly to the King of Prussia, requiring them instead to report via the Prime Minister.

Bismarck, forced for the first time into a situation he could not use to his advantage, wrote a blistering letter of resignation, decrying Wilhelm's interference in foreign and domestic policy, which was published only after Bismarck's death. As it turned out, Bismarck became the first victim of his own creation, and when he realized that his dismissal was imminent:.

All Bismarck's resources were deployed; he even asked Empress Victoria to use her influence with her son on his behalf. But the wizard had lost his magic; his spells were powerless because they were exerted on people who did not respect them, and he who had so signally disregarded Kant 's command to use people as ends in themselves had too small a stock of loyalty to draw on. As Lord Salisbury told Queen Victoria: 'The very qualities which Bismarck fostered in the Emperor in order to strengthen himself when the Emperor Frederick should come to the throne have been the qualities by which he has been overthrown.

He was soon elected as a National Liberal to the Reichstag for Bennigsen's old and supposedly safe Hamburg seat, but was embarrassed by being forced to a second ballot by a Social Democrat rival, and never actually took up his seat. He entered into restless, resentful retirement to his estates at Varzin in today's Poland. Within one month after his wife died on 27 November , he moved to Friedrichsruh near Hamburg, waiting in vain to be petitioned for advice and counsel.

Bismarck spent his final years composing his memoirs Gedanken und Erinnerungen , or Thoughts and Memories , a work of literary genius but questionable accuracy, in which he increased the drama around every event and always presented himself favorably. He died in July at the age of 83 at Friedrichsruh , where he is entombed in the Bismarck-Mausoleum. He continued his feud with Wilhelm II by attacking him in his memoirs and by publishing the text of the Reinsurance Treaty with Russia, a breach of national security for which any individual of lesser status would have been prosecuted.

He managed one final attack on Wilhelm by having his tombstone inscribed with the epitaph "Here lies a true servant of the Emperor Wilhelm I". The Bismarck Monument , Hamburg. Bismarck again warned the Kaiser about the dangers of improvising government policy based on the intrigues of courtiers and militarists. Bismarck's last warning was:. Your Majesty, so long as you have this present officer corps, you can do as you please. But when this is no longer the case, it will be very different for you. Template:Conservatism sidebar. Historians have reached a broad consensus on the content, function and importance of the image of Bismarck within Germany's political culture over the past years.

Bismarck's most important legacy is the unification of Germany. Germany had existed as a collection of hundreds of separate principalities and Free Cities since the formation of the Holy Roman Empire. Over the centuries various rulers had tried to unify the German states without success until Bismarck. Largely as a result of Bismarck's efforts, the various German kingdoms were united into a single country.

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Following unification, Germany became one of the most powerful nations in Europe. Bismarck's astute, cautious, and pragmatic foreign policies allowed Germany to retain peacefully the powerful position into which he had brought it; maintaining amiable diplomacy with almost all European nations. France, the main exception, was devastated by Bismarck's wars and his harsh subsequent policies towards it; France became one of Germany's most bitter enemies in Europe.

Austria, too, was weakened by the creation of a German Empire, though to a much lesser extent than France. Bismarck believed that as long as Britain, Russia and Italy were assured of the peaceful nature of the German Empire, French belligerency could be contained; his diplomatic feats were undone, however, by Kaiser Wilhelm II , whose policies unified other European powers against Germany in time for World War I.

Historians stress that Bismarck's peace-oriented, "saturated continental diplomacy" was increasingly unpopular, because it consciously reined in any expansionist drives. Likewise Bismarck's policy to deny the military a dominant voice in foreign political decisionmaking was overturned by as Germany became an armed state. Bismarck's psychology and personal traits have not been so favourably received by scholars. The American historian Jonathan Steinberg portrays a malign genius who was deeply vengeful, even toward his closest friends and family members.

Evans says he was "intimidating and unscrupulous, playing to others' frailties, not their strengths. Being a committed monarchist himself, Bismarck allowed no effective constitutional check on the power of the Emperor, thus placing a time bomb in the foundation of the Germany that he created. During most of his nearly 30 year-long tenure, Bismarck held undisputed control over the government's policies.

He was well supported by his friend Albrecht von Roon , the war minister, as well as the leader of the Prussian army Helmuth von Moltke. Bismarck's diplomatic moves relied on a victorious Prussian military, and these two men gave Bismarck the victories he needed to convince the smaller German states to join Prussia. Memorial dedicated to Bismarck as a student at the Rudelsburg. Bismarck took steps to silence or restrain political opposition, as evidenced by laws restricting the freedom of the press, and the anti-socialist laws.

He waged a culture war Kulturkampf against the Catholic Church until he realized the conservatism of the Catholics made them natural allies against the Socialists. His king Wilhelm I rarely challenged the Chancellor's decisions; on several occasions, Bismarck obtained his monarch's approval by threatening to resign. However, Wilhelm II intended to govern the country himself, making the ousting of Bismarck one of his first tasks as Kaiser. Bismarck's successors as Chancellor were much less influential, as power was concentrated in the Emperor's hands. As soon as he had to leave his office, citizens started to praise him, collecting money to build monuments like the Bismarck Memorial or towers dedicated to him.

Much honour was given to him in Germany, many buildings have his name, books about him were best-sellers, and he was often painted, e. The first monument built in his honour was the one at Bad Kissingen erected in Numerous statues and memorials dot the cities, towns, and countryside of Germany, and the famous Bismarck Memorial in Berlin, not to mention numerous Bismarck towers on four continents. The gleaming white Bismarck Monument in the city of Hamburg , which stands in the centre of the St.

Pauli district, was built in and is the largest, and probably best-known, memorial to Bismarck worldwide. The statues depicted him as massive, monolithic, rigid and unambiguous. Gerwarth shows that the Bismarck myth, built up predominantly during his years of retirement and even more stridently after his death, proved a powerful rhetorical and ideological tool. The myth made him out to be a dogmatic ideologue and ardent nationalist when, in fact, he was ideologically flexible.

Gerwarth argues that the constructed memory of Bismarck played a central role as an anti-democratic myth in the highly ideological battle over the past which raged between and This myth proved to be a weapon against the Weimar Republic, and exercised a destructive influence on the political culture of the first German democracy.

Frankel shows the Bismarck cult fostered and legitimized a new style of right-wing politics, and made possible the post-Bismarckian crisis of leadership, both real and perceived, that had Germans seeking the strongest possible leader and asking, "What Would Bismarck Do? For example, Hamburg's memorial, unveiled in , is considered one of the greatest expressions of imperial Germany's Bismarck cult and an important development in the history of German memorial art. It was a product of the desire of Hamburg's patrician classes to defend their political privileges in the face of dramatic social change and attendant demands for political reform.

To those who presided over its construction, the monument was also a means of asserting Hamburg's cultural aspirations and of shrugging off a reputation as a city hostile to the arts. The memorial was greeted with widespread disapproval among the working classes and did not prevent their increasing support for the Social Democrats. In , Bismarck was created further Herzog von Lauenburg "Duke of Lauenburg"; the Duchy was one of the territories which Prussia seized from the Danish king in It was Bismarck's ambition to be assimilated into the mediatized houses of Germany.

He attempted to persuade Kaiser Wilhelm I that he should be endowed with the sovereign duchy of Lauenburg, in reward for his services to the imperial family and the German empire. This was on the understanding that Bismarck would immediately restore the duchy to Prussia; all that he wanted was the privilege of a mediatized family for himself and his descendants.

This novel idea was turned down by the conservative emperor, who thought that he had already given the chancellor enough rewards. There is reason to believe that he informed Wilhelm II of his wishes.

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After being forced by the sovereign to resign, he received the purely honorific title of "Duke of Lauenburg", without the duchy itself and the sovereignty that would have transformed his family into a mediatized house. Bismarck regarded it as a mockery of his ambition, and he considered nothing more cruel than this action of the emperor.

On Bismarck's death in , his dukedom held only for his own lifetime was extinguished and the princely title passed to his eldest son, Herbert. Sign In Don't have an account? Not to be confused with Otto Christian Archibald von Bismarck. Federal Chancellor of the North German Confederation. Contents [ show ]. Main article: Franco-Prussian War. The real grievance of the worker is the insecurity of his existence; he is not sure that he will always have work, he is not sure that he will always be healthy, and he foresees that he will one day be old and unfit to work.

If he falls into poverty, even if only through a prolonged illness, he is then completely helpless, left to his own devices, and society does not currently recognize any real obligation towards him beyond the usual help for the poor, even if he has been working all the time ever so faithfully and diligently. The usual help for the poor, however, leaves a lot to be desired, especially in large cities, where it is very much worse than in the country.