Wave and Smile (German Edition)

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Some had been friends for 10 years, but you couldn't trust anybody. If you had any doubts or questions or thoughts of resistance, you couldn't tell anyone because you would get in trouble. You didn't dare ask whether it was real or not. Each day, there were more surprises. And each time you thought you had understood it, there would be a new twist. I've been to Germany to talk to people a couple of times, and when the whole National Socialism movement rolled out, it was gradual.

Some people got zealous, and some weren't concerned until it was too late. After complaints from teachers and parents, and aware that the experiment was spiralling out of control, Jones ended it by calling a rally to which hundreds of students flocked. Only then did he reveal it was a hoax.

He projected footage of Hitler and the Nazi rallies on the wall to emphasise how easily the students had been misled into behaving like fascists. These days, Hancock says, he tends to question authority and he admits to being nervous around large groups of passionate people. He and a fellow classmate, Philip Neel, now a film producer, are to tell their stories in a forthcoming documentary. They have tracked down half the class so far. He filled the hour with convincing talk about how discipline and community were positive," says Neel. He says the experience taught him it could happen to anyone.

One of the former students Neel interviewed for the documentary said: "It was like learning history in the first person. There definitely was a big difference between just reading about it and experiencing it - maybe understanding how it could happen, and how human dynamism plays into it. Jones published his own account of The Wave vaniercollege.

This then became the basis for a novel, called The Wave, by teen writer Todd Strasser, under the pseudonym Morton Rhue.

Smile & Wave(s) Recap - SILENTGAMING

It is required reading in many German schools. Die Welle is set in modern-day Germany. Jones says it depicts the experiment well. The film portrays perfectly, Jones adds, the feelings of a younger teacher around older, more experienced teachers, their suspicions of his methods, and the relationship between the teacher and his wife. Two years after the experiment, Cubberley school refused Jones tenure - to huge student protests - because, he says, of his anti-war activities.

He has spent the past 30 years working with people with mental disabilities, and finds it "strange" that he is constantly asked to explain The Wave. Life was pouring down on us. Many still have their membership cards, say The Wave was a turning point in their lives, and equate it with their success. I find that very strange. You don't know what you do as a teacher sometimes. Jones says his own life has been the antithesis of the experiment, "including people not excluding them, finding kindness and tolerance". He writes books, plays and poetry, and has a jazz band.

It has to be appreciated. It's strange to be yanked back to try to explain the experiment. But it causes discussion, which is wonderful and necessary. It seems more important today than ever. The US is running amok, to some extent. Fascism is real in homes, places of worship and government," he says. He is full of praise for the new film. It wouldn't happen in the US.

The film won't even show in the US. We're like ignorant children who don't want to see what's going on. We don't look at racism, or study it. The US has no sense of guilt. We don't think about Dresden or Hiroshima or Iraq. Would he do The Wave again? No, because it put people in danger. It's a framework to learn and discuss fascism and what brings us happiness and joy. But it's like the atomic bomb. Is it valuable?

The new German political class rejected, in speeches and in the law, the rabid anti-Semitism that had been foundational to Nazism — measures considered not only to be morally imperative but necessary to re-establish German legitimacy on the international stage. This change, however, did not necessarily reflect an immediate conversion in longstanding anti-Semitic attitudes on the ground.


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The reactionary, far-right Alternative for Germany, or A. Now some , Jews live in Germany, a nation of 82 million people, and many are increasingly fearful. Overall reported anti-Semitic crimes in Germany increased by nearly 20 percent last year to 1,, while violent anti-Semitic crimes rose by about 86 percent, to Police statistics attribute 89 percent of all anti-Semitic crimes to right-wing extremists, but Jewish community leaders dispute that statistic, and many German Jews perceive the nature of the threat to be far more varied.

The large-scale influx of refugees into Germany from countries such as Syria and Iraq that began in further fueled worries. Many see the greatest peril as coming from an emboldened extreme right that is hostile to both Muslims and Jews, as the recent shootings by white supremacists in synagogues in Pittsburgh and Poway, Calif. Multiple surveys suggest that anti-Muslim attitudes in Germany and other European countries are more widespread than anti-Semitism. At the same time, a number of surveys show that Muslims in Germany and other European countries are more likely to hold anti-Semitic views than the overall population.

The Anti-Defamation League survey, for instance, found that 56 percent of Muslims in Germany harbored anti-Semitic attitudes, compared with 16 percent for the overall population. Conservative Jews see the political left as unwilling to name this problem out of reluctance to further marginalize an already marginalized group or because of leftist anti-Zionism. The far right, anti-Islam A. An incident that garnered considerable attention and highlights some of the complexities of this new dynamic occurred on a Berlin street in April , when a year-old Syrian of Palestinian descent took off his belt and flogged a young Israeli man named Adam Armoush, who was wearing a yarmulke.

Schuster advised Jews in cities against openly wearing yarmulkes outside. He said he received the yarmulke from a friend along with a caveat that it was not safe to wear outside. Armoush said he initially debated this. But it ended like that. Anti-Semitism is indeed a mainly European invention with a proven capacity to mutate. Often intertwined with economic and social resentments, demonization of Jews was long part of Christian tradition, and, with the growth of European nationalism in the 19th century, it took on delusive notions of race.

The early signs are mixed. Like other Jewish families, they were ambivalent about remaining in Germany. Despite a wave of racist attacks on immigrants, that revival did not seem to materialize. In fact, the European Union, which was created to temper those impulses, was ascendant. Now, he believed, that sense of security has eroded. And you want to install yourselves here. And you have no homeland. It seemed like a rhetorical question, but Feinberg, taking a drag of his cigarette, ventured an answer.

Feinberg spotted a passing police car and ran to get help. Nobody wants you. People had considered him to be a regular guy. A video of the affair went viral on social media. On the day of the event, Feinberg sat underneath a series of paintings of the Star of David before a score of reporters.

YUNUS SOCIAL BUSINESS

Since the incident, he had received a torrent of anti-Semitic messages. After Feinberg spoke, the head of RIAS, Benjamin Steinitz, said that the organization had documented well over 3, anti-Semitic incidents since it was founded. Or are they right- wing extremists? When researchers looked at all reported anti-Semitic incidents — including threats, harassment and targeted vandalism — in Berlin in , they were unable to determine the ideological motivation in nearly half the cases.

They could attribute 18 percent of the incidents to right-wing extremists, making it the largest known group, but with such a large proportion of missing information, the numbers were hardly conclusive about which views predominated.

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The political motivations of violent attackers were even harder to parse. Of 46 reported anti-Semitic attacks in Berlin in , RIAS could identify the ideological motivation of the perpetrators in just 19 cases. After the event, as guests nibbled on falafel and hummus, Felix Klein took a seat at a corner table. Klein listed several things the German government should be doing at the federal and state levels to fight anti-Semitism; chief among them was training teachers and the police simply to recognize it. He also said school books should include more lessons about Jewish contributions to Germany.

The rise of anti-Semitic acts, Klein told me, was not just a matter of rising hate but a rising willingness to express it. This was because of social media, he said, as well as the A. There are also the challenges that are caused by anti-Semitism from Muslims, he said, though, he added, according to criminal statistics, this was not the main problem. Klein was citing the federal statistic that attributed a vast majority of anti-Semitic crimes in Germany to right-wing extremists, the one that many Jewish community leaders disputed.

I asked Klein if he thought the statistic was reliable. He acknowledged that, in fact, the methodology was flawed: When it was unclear who the perpetrators were, they were automatically classified as right-wing extremists. He leaned in to underscore this point. We should not do that. German anti-Semites are clearly drawn to the A. One survey conducted by the Allensbach Institute, a respected polling organization, found that 55 percent of A.

The A. Its politicians traffic in more insidious forms of secondary anti-Semitism.

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But to suggest that it be forgotten is a circuitous way of reaching the same end. Yet since the A. It now portrays itself as the protector of Jews fearful of Muslim immigration. Last year, two-dozen Jewish A. On a Sunday afternoon last October, J. When a reporter from the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung tried to get his name, the man refused to give it. Another reporter approached the anonymous J.

But there was also a more specific Russian angle. Indeed, in some voting areas with large numbers of immigrants from the former Soviet Union, the A. Several members of J. Before the event, there was much discussion about the Jewish credentials of one J. One J. It was unclear whether this messaging would gain much traction with Jews in Germany beyond the confines of the gymnasium. Even so, at stake for these parties is not the relatively small number of Jewish votes but rather an appearance of legitimacy and ideological distance from past fascist movements.

The J. During the J. In September , according to a Chicago Sun reporter, the canal still stank of decayed corpses when Jewish survivors and about 30 American Jewish soldiers gathered for the first postwar synagogue service in Berlin. The main neo-Classical sanctuary that had once stood at the site sat in ruins, but a Jewish-American lieutenant stationed in Berlin named Harry Nowalsky, who could see the synagogue from his bedroom window, had made it a personal mission to restore a smaller, still-intact sanctuary in time for Rosh Hashana, the Jewish New Year.

One Monday morning last year, a year-old local congregant named Shlomit Tripp welcomed a class of fourth graders to the synagogue. Tripp, who wore a tie-dyed headband and carried with her a redheaded puppet she calls Shlomo, runs a Jewish puppet theater. Synagogues in Germany have been under police protection since around , when Marxist militants tried to bomb a Jewish community center in West Berlin. The following year, a still-unsolved arson attack on a home for Jewish seniors in Munich left seven people dead. Congregants told me they understand the need for the precautions but also lamented the impossibility of natural exchanges with the outside community.



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